Effective 1 January 2000 for companies with more than 20 employees and 1 January 2002 for all others, the new legal workweek is set at 35 hours. In addition, the law specifies an annual work hour total that is equivalent to an average of 35 hours, based on the number of weeks worked. Theoretically, the total should not exceed 1,600 hours. This annual figure applies when work hours are calculated on a yearly basis.

Weekly overtime begins accruing with the 36th hour of work. For annualised employment contracts entered into after 1 February 2000 overtime begins with the 1,600th hour. The law specifies the impact of overtime on both companies and employees.

The above arrangements, which can be worked out through collective bargaining and which meet the needs of companies while strengthening guarantees for employees, include the following: annualization of work hours ; the reduction of the number of days worked per week; various types of part-time options ; intermittent work; work-hour savings accounts ; specific arrangements for managers, based on how independently they function ; and provisions for skills-enhancement training, to be dispensed in part during the hours freed up by the 35-hour workweek.

The new tax breaks on employer contributions not only attempt to balance the burden of financing the transition to a 35-hour workweek ; they also aim to lower the cost of employing low- and medium-paid personnel, in order to stimulate job growth. Companies can also negotiate these tax breaks.

The guarantee aims to prevent any decline in the compensation of minimum-wage employees whose work hours are reduced and to raise their purchasing power in the long run.

Link to details of the negotiated agreements on the reduction of working time as at May 2001

A string of redundancies in 2001, mostly notably at Danone and Marks and Spencers led to nationwide demonstrations and ultimately a more restrictive definition of redundancy in France. At least that's the proposal, though neither employers nor unions support the plan.

In June 2001, France's national assembly gave a second reading to the government's "social modernisation" bill, a wide-ranging bill which includes provisions on redundancy. Employers' groups feel the bill goes too far, unions want even more far-reaching measures.

The social modernisation bill includes a series of more restrictive measures for companies planning redundancies:

A more restrictive definition of redundancy (licenciement economique): now the only acceptable grounds will be "serious economic difficulties which the company has been unable to resolve by any other means", technical advances "threatening the company's survival" or "reorganisation requirements which are vital to keep the company in business". Redundancy on any other grounds will not be recognised. The Labour Code currently states that acceptable grounds for redundancy "include" these grounds; the word "include" will not be removed from the Code.

The right of works councils to oppose redundancies. Works councils will be able to represent counter proposals when a company announces redundancies. They will also have the right to oppose restructuring and staff-reduction plans, together with the terms and conditions of their implementation. The latter "right to oppose" will apply only to the management proposals and not to the redundancies themselves. This will be dealt with by a mediator. Finally, works councils may ask a judge in chambers (juge des referes) for a ruling on whether appropriate procedures have been followed in the tabling of counter-proposals.

Creation of the position of Mediator. A mediator can be brought in by either party where it is proposed to make redundant at least 100 people as part of a down-sizing operation. Mediators will be appointed by district courts and will have a maximum of one month to bridge the gap between the parties and make a recommendation. The redundancy process is frozen during this time. If the recommendation is rejected by the parties, the judge will make the final ruling.

Plan to safeguard employment. Companies with more than a total of 100 employees which are planning redundancies will be required to present a new "plan to safeguard employment" (plan de sauvegarde d'emploi), covering redeployment possibilities and the local and social impact of the redundancies. Companies with more than 50 employees will be required to make either a financial or in-kind contribution to the number of workers made redundant.

Employer Reaction
Employers' groups have condemned the proposed legislation out of hand, saying it would hamper company development and drive companies abroad. All of the employers' group are critical of the lack of consultation about the proposed legislation.

Union Reaction
Unions have not reacted positively to the proposed legislation, saying it adds nothing new to the rights of employees in a redundancy situation and does not include substantive measures to provide genuine job security.

``xfrance``xca``x"Social Modernisation" - Redundancy Legislation to be toughened``x1010154736,37736,Employment_Law``xA string of redundancies in 2001, mostly notably at Danone and Marks and Spencers led to nationwide demonstrations and ultimately a more restrictive definition of redundancy in France.``xsocialmodernisation ``x

From 1 July 2001, the French government increased the hourly rate of the SMIC national minimum wage by 4.05 per cent. The new hourly rate is €6.67, which equates to a 1.8 per cent increase in purchasing power. An increase of 3.75 per cent was legislated for; the optional extra given by the government is known as a 'coup de ponce', i.e. a boost.

The range of rates payable to employees paid the SMIC has been complicated by the introduction of the 35-hour week. The rise does not yet apply to almost three quarters of all current SMIC earners as their employers have yet to sign agreements on the switch over to the 35-hour week.

Workers whose employers have already switched to the 35-hour week are part of a different system intended to protect their pay falling proportionally with the 4-hour reduction in the working week. The earnings of this employee group have been maintained through a system of "guaranteed monthly wage"; this means that instead of their pay dropping from 39 x SMIC to 35 x SMIC, they continue to earn the same amount as they did when they worked 39 hours. Overtime worked is paid in addition.

Changes in the pay of the latter group is no longer linked to increases in the basic rate of SMIC. Instead, it is linked to the "guaranteed monthly wage" which actually increases at a slower rate than the index used to calculate the hourly rate of SMIC. This has created a two-tier system for workers on the minimum wage. Those covered by a "guaranteed monthly wage" are further disadvantaged as the 35-hour week law makes no provision for the occasional 'boost"; the hourly rate of SMIC can receive such a boost, as seen in 2001.

The "two-tier SMIC system" has in fact more than two layers. Because the pay of minimum wage workers is maintained at the rate of SMIC if force at the time the agreement to switch to the 35-hour week was signed, early adopters are at a disadvantage as subsequent increase in their "guaranteed monthly wage" are lower than the corresponding increase in the hourly SMIC rate.

So from July 20001, SMIC earners who switched before 1 July 1999 earned €1,081.21 per month; those who moved to the 35-hour week between 1 July 2000 and 30 June 2001 earned €1,134.50. Employees still working a 39-hour week can earn €1,126.50 per monthly.

The government plans to close the gap in what is clearly an unfair system by 2005, however details of the transition have not yet been announced.

``xfrance``x``xNational Minimum Wage - SMIC``x1010258948,49454,Money_Matters``xMove to 35 hour week has resulted in inequities in the rate of SMIC payable.``xSMIC ``x

The French parliament comprises two houses - the National Assembly (490 deputes, elected for a five-year term, directly elected) and the Senate (306 senators, elected for a nine year term).

Laws may be proposed by the Government (the draft is known as a projet de loi) or the Opposition (draft called proposition de loi). The proposed legislation is presented first to either the National Assembly or the Senate, although the annual draft Budget is always presented first to the National Assembly).

If required by the Government or either of the two houses, draft legislation is send to review to a specially convened committee. Draft legislation on employment and social affairs may be sent to the Social and Economic Council (conseil �conomique et social), which has 220 members; one third of these are appointed by the Government, the social partners nominate the remainder.

If a draft law fails to be passed by both houses after two readings, the Prime Minister may set up a joint conciliation committee (commission mixte paritaire) of seven d�put�s and seven senators with the aim of devising a compromise text.

If this fails, the Government may call on the National Assembly for a final vote on the existing text. Once approved, the final text is published in the Official Journal (journal officiel).

``xfrance``x``xLegislative Process``x1011186258,29762,Employment_Law``xOutline summary of how the legisalative process works in France``xlegprofrance ``x

Salary Savings
Loi 2001 - 152 du 19 f�vrier 2001 sur l'�pargne salariale

In force from January 2002. Introduces two new models for company-based savings funds: the PPESV 'voluntary salary savings partnership scheme' and the PEI 'inter company savings scheme'.

Gender Equality
Loi 2001397 du 9 mai 2001 relative � l'�galit� professionelle entre les femmes and les hommes

In force from May 2001, this law lifts the ban on women's nightworking. It also specifies that gender equality measures must be included as an item for compulsory negotiations at both branch and company level.

New Economic Regulations
Loi 2001-420 du 15 mai 2001 relative aux nouvelles r�gulations �conomiques

Came into force in May 2001. Covers various aspects of labour market regulations, including increased information and consultation rights for employees in company takeovers, requirement for companies to publish board level directors' remuneration and benefit. It also covers changes in the tax treatment of share options.

Discrimination
Loi 2001-1066 du novembre 1002 relative � la luttte contre les discriminations

Came into force in November 2001. Amends Labour Code Art.L 122-45. It extends the scope of existing anti-discrimination measures; broadens the areas of potential discrimination by including physical appearance, family name, sexual orientation and age; shifts the burden of proof in discrimination cases to the employer and increases power of enquiry for the Labour Inspectorate.

``xfrance``xlpa``xNew Employment Legislation - 2001``x1011186824,7372,Essentials``xSummary of key pieces of employment legislation that came into law in 2001``xnewlaw2001 ``x

Social Modernisation
Project de loi de modernisation sociale

This proposed Bill has been extensively amended. It deals with collective redundancy and workplace consultation procedures, including a more restrictive form of 'economic redundancy'; increased retraining and redeployment requirements for employers; the establishment of an arbitration council in workforce redundancy consultation in companies with more than one hundred employees and the right to reinstatement where a court finds that a social plan is null and void. Introduces clauses on workplace bullying (harc�lement - literally moral harassment) to the Labour Code.

Paternity Leave
Part of the Project de loi du financement de la s�curit� sociale 2002.
Should come into force from January 2002. Paternity leave is to be extended from three days to two working weeks, paid at 80 per cent of gross pay up to a monthly ceiling of €2,279.

``xfrance``x``xEmployment Law Pending 2002``x1011187010,45760,Employment_Law``xEmployment legislation expected to be enacted in 2002``xpending2002 ``x

In Soci�t� Nikon France SA v M. Frederic O., dated 2nd October 2001 and which has only recently been published, the French Supreme Court (Cour de Cassation) decided that the right to privacy of correspondence was absolute and that an employer was not allowed to access the personal email folders of its employees.

In this case, specific provisions of the internal workplace rules of Nikon France, which formed part of the contracts of employment of their employees, prohibited the latter from using for personal purposes the electronic systems put at their disposal for professional use.

The employer examined the content of the personal mailbox of an employee in order to ascertain whether this prohibition was being respected. The employer considered that it was entitled to access the mailbox, notwithstanding the fact that such action was not provided for in the company’s internal rules, on the basis that under French labour law an employer has a general right to monitor the activities of its employees during working hours. As a result of its investigation it dismissed the employee on the ground that the latter had failed to respect the internal rules of the company by using the electronic resources of the company for personal ends and that this behaviour amounted to a fault (“faute grave”) which was sufficiently serious to deprive the employee of any right to compensation for his dismissal.

The Cour de Cassation held that the dismissal was contrary to the law since the means used to establish the grounds for dismissal violated a basic principle - the right to respect for private life - which extends to the private life of employees when they are at their workplace.

The Court relied on both article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights and also on specific French legal provisions (article 9 of the Code civil, article 9 of the Code de Proc�dure Civile, article L.120-2 of the Code du Travail). The court did not consider whether the provisions of Articles 10 or 11 of the EC Directive 95/46 EC might be applicable.

The immediate consequence of this decision is that from now on, notwithstanding any provisions to the contrary contained in internal rules applicable to the workplace which prohibit the use of emails for personal purposes, a French employer is no longer entitled to verify the content of the personal mailbox of an employee, in particular with a view to disciplining or dismissing the latter.

The UK position

Employers in the UK are also subject to article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights due to the Human Rights Act 1998 coming into force in the UK on 2 October 2000. If similar facts to the above case arose in the UK it is likely that the English courts would adopt a more robust approach and reach a different result. Inspection of emails by an employer after reasonable notice to the employee is likely to be permitted in the UK.

It is critical however for employers to ensure that they have clear guidelines in place for employee usage of email. Adequate steps must be taken by the employer to ensure employees are made aware that firstly the guidelines are in place and secondly that monitoring will take place to enforce the guidelines. Employers should also restrict monitoring to legitimate business purposes.

The content of this article does not constitute legal advice and should not be relied on in that way. Specific advice should be sought about your specific circumstances.

� Herbert Smith

� Herbert Smith``xfrance``x``x Recent French Supreme Court Decision on Employer Monitoring of Employee�s Email ``x1011651787,60824,Employment_Law``xAuthors: Herbert Smith law firm. ``x ``x``xfrance``x``x``x1011878593,61586,Essentials``xNational, religious and regional holidays and festivals in France``x ``x``xfrance``x``x``x1011878682,57620,Essentials``xLocal Weather in France``x ``x

Jones Day

American pension funds, the modifications of French Company Law resulting from the provisions of Law No. 2001-420 regarding the new economic regulations, from May 15, 2001 and their objectives in the field of corporate management.

The globalization of financial markets, the saturation of the investment opportunities in their domestic market as regards the sums collected through the alternative retirement systems have led the American pension funds (the "Funds") to seek geographical diversification of their investments by favoring access to the markets of the major economies outside the United States.

The Funds, both public and private, are subject to a "distribution" logic that does not have an equivalent in France. The Funds are required to adopt a carefully targeted investment policy by reason of the obligation to pay out to their members at the end of a long period of contributions a sum which is at least equal to the sums paid in, adjusted for inflation. This policy, based on a multifaceted approach, cannot ignore the economic fundamentals of each company or industrial sector. Beyond those criteria, the moral obligation of the Funds to obtain a certain result has led them to consider the totality of the parameters of long-term investment management.

Among these parameters are the principles of corporate governance. In fact, according to an Anglo-Saxon concept, which developed during the period following the stock market crash of 1929, the methodology employed prior to any decision to invest in a company should not constitute the only basis for the long-term nature of such investment. Beyond the economic analysis, the Funds consider that becoming a shareholder is only a first step, but that it is just as important to ensure that throughout the period of investment their obligations towards their members lead them to make use of all the prerogatives of a shareholder.

The "hold period" for an investment by the Funds is quite different from that of other institutional investors. The turnover rate of the investment portfolios of the Funds is approximately ten years, whereas the average is two to three years for mutual funds. This longer term approach, unlike approaches based on a higher turnover rate which permit recovery of the gains resulting from the volatility of shares, results in a close correlation between the performance of the Funds and the creation of wealth or of shareholder value which a company would normally achieve only over a longer period.

The actual exercise of the voting rights which attach to the shareholdings is compulsory for the Funds within the United States. In order to enable them to express their votes fully, the Funds have developed a permanent dialogue with the governing bodies of American companies. This dialogue is intended to facilitate: (a) the distribution of information to the entire market; (b) taking account of the sensitivity of the Funds; and (c) an understanding of the shareholder value created by the management of the particular company. As a result of this dialogue, the draft resolutions presented in the shareholders' meetings have been refined or amended. The Funds, which willingly define themselves as "shareowners" and reject the generic label "shareholders" have, through their policy of permanent dialogue, often sought to encourage the development of proposals allowing American companies:

to separate the functions of Chairman and Chief Executive Officer;
to provide greater transparency as to the conditions for granting stock options;
to prevent conflicts of interest which may arise in the course of company activity;
to reaffirm the principle of equality among shareholders by means of removing all by-laws provisions contemplating differentiated voting rights or limitations on voting rights; and
to remove all provisions allowing a company to render a takeover more difficult (poison pills).

In the recent past, the harmonization of the policy regarding the conforming of the rules relating to corporate governance with the wishes expressed by the Funds has often had a direct effect on the valuation of companies. The California Public Employees Retirement System ("CalPERS"), the largest public pension fund in the United States, willingly places itself in the category of "activist shareholders," to cite a term whose ambiguity leaves room for multiple interpretations. For the year 1995, CalPERS estimated at $150 million the return on investment generated by the adoption by certain companies of rules of corporate governance which were in compliance with the Funds' standards.

While France is considered as an opportunity for diversification, the Funds would not seize those investment opportunities if it meant diverging from the criteria and the requirements which they apply across the Atlantic.

Globalization also applies to the principles of corporate governance. The work done in France as from 1995, and in particular the two Vienot Reports and the successful completion of the work of the OECD could only be welcomed by the Funds which considered these as the first steps in a reconciliation between French market practices and the current norms in the United States or in other countries, and which were formalized in 1999 through the work of the International Corporate Governance Network.

The French Law No. 2001-420 on the new economic regulations which was enacted May 15, 2001, and which appears likely to go down in history under the name "NRE Law", is substantially based on the recommendations of the Vienot Report of July 1999.

Beyond certain modifications which could only be made by law, this text was intended to lay down the principles of an expanded regulatory regime even though "institutionalized" regulatory bodies already exist (in particular the Commission des Op�rations de Bourse and the Conseil des March�s Financiers) as do non-"institutionalized" elements (such as the "financial market" and the players on that market, in particular).

It would appear that, from the standpoint of the Funds, such intervention in a field normally left to administrative regulation could be interpreted as a new demonstration of the concept of the "French exception".

The NRE Law should be welcomed by the Funds, inasmuch as it:

authorizes the existence of a chief executive officer dedicated to managing the company's business and freed up from the functions of the Chairman of the Board of Directors. This new distribution of roles within a monistic structure (which has proved to be more flexible than the dualistic structure, i.e. Supervisory Board and Management Board) should allow the Chief Executive Officer to devote himself exclusively to the management of the company's affairs, by releasing him from certain tasks.
allows an easier reading of the compensation packages of the top executives, including the granting of stock options. The information on individual compensation introduced as a result of the wording of the text is consistent with the framework of the corporate governance charter adopted by the International Corporate Governance Network in 1999. The Commission des Op�rations de Bourse, acting in its capacity as a regulatory body, has decided to require such a breakdown in each of the documents which it must review and approve, as from September 1, 2001;
submits, in the framework of the prevention of conflicts of interest, all agreements between a company and any of its shareholders holding a percentage of voting rights in excess of 5%, to prior authorization by the Board of Directors.
sets a limit on the number of directorships an individual may hold, and at the same time reduces the number of directors. In the logic of the Funds, this measure should allow directors who will be less "diluted" in the exercise of their functions to act more effectively in Boards of Directors which are more focused;
provides that, under conditions which remain to be defined by decree, information regarding the company's approach to dealing with the social and environmental consequences of its activities must be provided to the shareholders; and
moves to 5% the threshold of shareholding as regards the possibility for one shareholder, or several shareholders acting as a group, to submit written questions to the Board of Directors or to request the dismissal of a statutory auditor.

The NRE Law may, from the standpoint of the Funds, be considered as a reaffirmation of a concept of corporate governance, the globalization of which would naturally relate to the interrelationship among the different financial markets. Nevertheless, a certain number of provisions which continue to be sought by the Funds are today outside the purview of French laws or regulations. The frustration of the Funds is primarily focused on the following points:

the limitation to 2 (or 3, in certain circumstances) directorships to be held by any one director (source: CalPERS);
the limitation on length of the term of a director;
the limitation on the term of the statutory auditors;
the affirmation of the "one share, one vote" principle and the removal of any clause establishing a double voting right, a limitation on voting rights, or a differentiated rule regulating the allotment of dividends;
the elimination of all clauses rendering a possible takeover by a third party more difficult;
implementation of means of participation in the meetings for the benefit of the shareholders, such means being identical to those now granted to the members of the Board of Directors by the NRE Law;
the public access to the proceedings of the boards, audit committees and general meetings of shareholders; and
the adoption of "international" accounting standards.

A comparative analysis of the various charters of corporate governance adopted by the Funds and the current state of French law and practice reveals a certain number of points of divergence. A reconciliation, in the event it should be sought could be envisaged by means of the evolution of market practices at the initiative of the various players, i.e. the regulatory bodies, the issuers, the shareholders, or (when necessary for their implementation) by legislative action

The content of this article does not constitute legal advice and should not be relied on in that way. Specific advice should be sought about your specific circumstances.

� Jones Day

``xfrance``x``xAmerican Pension Funds In France - Corporate Governance ``x1012231965,76752,Employment_Law``xBy Mr Jean-Marc Marc Franceschi, Jones Day, 18 January 2002``x ``x``xfrance``x``x``x1012664655,98095,Money_Matters``xCheck Local Salary Levels``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1013276681,47787,People_and_Culture``xMinistry of Culture and Communication ``x ``x

Population: 59.4m (2000)

Population Growth: 0.4% (average, 1996-2000)

Land Area: 549,000 sq km

Fiscal Year: Starts January 1st

Unemployment:

Currency: (French franc (Ffr)): FFr7.10:US$1 (2000, average); FFr7.48:US$1 (August 7th 2001); Euro 0.88:US$1 (August 7th 2001)

GDP: FFr9.23trn (2000); US$1.3trn (2000, at market exchange rate)

GDP Growth: 2.6% (1996-2000); 3.4% (2000)

GDP Per Head: US$21,863 (2000, at market exchange rate); US$23,700 (2000, at PPP)

Inflation: 1.3% (average, 1996-2000); 1.7% (2000, average)

``xfrance``x``xKey Facts``x1014211863,17036,Essentials``xCurrency, population, unemployment and inflation rates``xFrancefacts ``x

In France, children aged between two and six to attend �cole Maternelles or nursery schools.

Pre-school education is provided free by the state and every child aged three and over is entitled to a place in nursery school.

There are also a small number of private schools, which may require some tuition fees.

``xfrance``xa``xPre-School Education``x1014586299,72291,``x``x ``x

It is compulsory that children attend school from age six to sixteen.

In France, the Minist�re de l'Education is responsible for all education matters but the regional education bodies, the Acad�mie oversee the general running of schools.

All compulsory education is free.

Most children start primary school - �cole Elementaire - at five years old.

The primary cycle is divided into two stages with the first two-year stage concentrating on basic reading, writing and arithmetic skills and the children are also introduced to new subjects.

The second stage lasts three years and pupils study the same subjects, but in greater depth.

``xfrance``xb``xPrimary School Education ``x1014586400,52588,``x``x ``x

Lower Secondary Education
Lower Secondary Education (niveau secondaire inf�rieur) takes place in coll�ges in three cycles involved: the Observation cycle (one year), Consolidation cycle (two years) and the Orientation cycle (one year).

During the consolidation cycle new subjects are introduced including a second new language or a science subject. Students must then decide between the second language and science in the final year/ Orientation cycle. At the end of the four years students receive the dipl�me national du Brevet.

Upper Secondary Education
In the Lyc�e there are three different types of secondary education on offer. Following completion of their first year, students have to decide which option to take.

They have a choice of studying Literature, Economics and Social Science, and Science under the General education course. When this course is completed, students are awarded the Baccalaur�at, which entitles them to apply to higher-level education. Generally, the Baccalaureate satisfies the requirements of most high-level institutions in European Countries.

Students may also choose to pursue Technical education and they also receive the Baccalaureate upon course completion. There are four choices within this cycle including Tertiary Sciences, Industrial sciences, Laboratory Sciences and, Medical and Social Science. There are also specialised courses on offer in Hotel and Catering, Applied Arts, Music and Dance.

Pupils entering vocational education can study for CAP, Certificat d'Aptitude Professionelle (two years) or a BEP, Brevet d'Eludes Professionnelles.

``xfrance``xc``xSecond Level Education``x1014586587,46059,``x``x ``x

Students considering travelling to France to pursue their studies should spend at least one year researching and examining all the various courses on offer and their requirements.

There are two types of higher education on offer, vocational and academic. Vocational study lasts for two years and is always an option for those who wish to pursue more practical/hands-on careers.

The Dipl�me Universitaire de Technologie, DUT, has 24 specialisations and the Brevet de Technicien Sup�rieur, BTS, has 90 specialisations. There are also specialised schools where students interested in paramedical or social areas can train for specific professions.

For those students interested in pursuing academic study, there is a general studies programme in the first and second year of higher education. This programme aims to prepare the student for the DEUG, Dipl�me d'Eludes Univeritaires G�n�rales or to enter the CPGE, Classes Pr�paratoires aux Grandes �coles.

The second and third cycles are either vocational or academic orientated and Universities and Grandes �coles offer them. The Grandes �coles offer a range of degrees; the Dipl�me d'Ing�nieur and the Dipl�me de Haut Enseignement Commercial are both three years long.

After the first cycle, University degrees include Licence, Maitrise and Doctorat. These qualifications are valuable for those who wish to get into the teaching profession.

There are about eighty-eight state universities and twelve private universities in France with almost 350 Grandes �coles spread through out the country.

The academic year runs from October to June and September to June for Lyc�es.

``xfrance``xd``xHigher Education ``x1014586689,81288,``x``x ``x

November 2001 saw the adoption in France of a new law to prevent discrimination at the workplace. The legislation adds new prohibited grounds of discrimination (including age and sexual orientation), adjusts the burden of proof in discrimination cases and makes it easier to bring court cases.

On 6 November 2001, after 13 months of discussion, the National Assembly passed a bill on combating discrimination at the workplace, which forms part of the current Socialist-led government's programme of anti-discrimination measures. The new law supplements the existing provisions of the Labour Code, on the basis of both EU Directives and French case law, in order to provide better protection for job applicants and employees throughout their careers. Article L.122-45 of the Labour Code, which defines the various forms of discrimination, is expanded and reworked to broaden its field of application and amend the provisions on the burden of proof so that they are more favourable to the employee.

Grounds for discrimination and discriminatory practices
The list of prohibited grounds for discrimination previously provided for - including origin, sex, family situation and membership of an ethnic group, nation or race - is now expanded to include physical appearance (height, weight, attractiveness etc), surname, sexual orientation and age. Martine Aubry (the Minister for Employment and Solidarity until 17 October 2000) stated that `all victims of discrimination, women, people with disabilities, foreigners and immigrants, gay men and lesbians� must be given the message `that our Republic is there to ensure that their rights are respected� . She labelled all forms of discrimination `unacceptable violence� .

The introduction of the principle of no discrimination based on age aims to bring French law into line with EU Council Directive 2000/78/EC of 27 November 2000, establishing a general framework for equal treatment in employment and occupation ( EU0102295F). However, the criteria for applying this principle are detailed in order to avoid a challenge being mounted to employment policies targeted on certain age groups.

The relevant section of the Labour Code now reads: `No person can be eliminated from a recruitment process (...) due to their age, sex, lifestyle, sexual orientation, age, family situation, non-membership, whether genuine or assumed, of an ethnic group, nation or race, political beliefs, trade union activities, religious beliefs, physical appearance, surname, state of health or disability.� Moreover, the definition of discriminatory practices provided by Article L. 122-45 of the Labour Code has been broadened to cover an employee's entire career.

From now on, the ban on discrimination extends throughout a person's working life, covering: recruitment; access to a placement or in-company training programme; pay; training; redeployment within a company; posting; qualifications; job classification; promotion; transfer from one workplace to another; and renewal of contract.

Amendment to burden of proof
A key point of the new law deals with the amendment of the provisions on the burden of proof in discrimination cases. The burden of proof has been amended so that if a legal case is brought, it is no longer only the employee's responsibility. Hitherto it had been the responsibility of the employee to prove that he or she had been the victim of discrimination, hence the very low number of successful convictions. The burden of proof will now fall equally upon the employer.

Employees or job applicants who feel that they have been discriminated against must present the court with evidence `that leads one to believe that direct or indirect discrimination has taken place� . In the light of this evidence, it is up to the defendant to `prove that the decision taken was justifiable according to objective facts that had no connection with any form of discrimination� . It is the judge's task to arrive at a conclusion, if needs be after having ordered `any preliminary investigations deemed useful� .

This measure complies with the case law of the French Supreme Court of Appeal (Cour de cassation) and the European Court of Justice (ECJ), and transposes into French law EU Council Directive (97/80/EC) of 15 December 1997 on the burden of proof in cases of discrimination based on sex.

Easier reporting of discrimination and legal procedures
The new law aims to facilitate the bringing of claims of discriminatory actions and the referral of such cases to the courts. Labour Inspectors have received extended powers for their investigations so that discriminatory actions can be brought to light. Among other powers, they can have access to any document or information which might be useful in identifying facts liable to enable discrimination to be proven.

The right to bring a court case over a discrimination claim has been extended to trade unions, provided that they have representative status either nationally or in the relevant workplace. They can act for an employee claiming to be the victim of discrimination without having to have a mandate to do so from the interested party, as long as he or she has been given written notification and has not opposed the union action by the end of a 15-day period. Non-governmental organisations working in the anti-discrimination field can also act for a plaintiff, if they have been legally constituted for at least five years and have the written consent of the interested party.

The right of workforce delegates to bring a matter to the notice of company management when they believe that there is an infringement of people's rights or individual freedoms, is extended to cases where a workforce delegate identifies a discriminatory measure. Moreover, sector-level collective agreements must now include a clause on dealing with racial discrimination before they can be extended (ie applied compulsorily to non-signatory employers). Finally, for civil servants, the principle of banning discrimination has been established, although they are not covered by the new burden of proof system that has been implemented in the private sector.

Union reactions
The General Confederation of Labour (Conf�d�ration g�n�rale du travail, CGT) deems the new anti-discrimination law to be `an extra tool to be wielded immediately (...) The extension of sanctions to cover new grounds for discrimination will enable action to be taken in new areas.� However, it regrets that `concessions have been made to the employers (...) allowing certain type of age discrimination to continue.�

As far as the French Democratic Confederation of Labour (Conf�d�ration fran�aise d�mocratique du travail, CFDT) is concerned, the new law `is a useful addition to existing legislative measures and effectively affords greater leverage for action on this issue� , but the opportunity should be `taken to do more and do better� , and the high levels of unemployment among non-EU nationals and young people from immigrant backgrounds `shows the necessity of implementing tougher measures for integrating people into the workforce and providing access to employment� .

The General Confederation of Labour-Force ouvri�re (Conf�d�ration g�n�rale du travail-Force ouvri�re, CGT-FO) welcomed the new provisions, especially the opportunity for unions present in the workplace or with representative status nationally to go to court on behalf of an employee claiming discrimination.

For the National Federation of Independent Unions (Union nationale des syndicats autonomes, UNSA), the adoption of the law marks a serious step forward. It underlined in particular the noticeable increase in the powers of the Labour Inspectors and the option for unions and organisations with recognised authority in the field to go to court for employees claiming discrimination.

Commentary
The new law, sponsored by the (Socialist) chair of the National Assembly's Social Affairs Committee, Jean Le Garrec, slots directly into the government's proactive policy on discrimination, launched in March 2000 by the `General Conference on Citizenship� ( `assises de la citoyennet� ) and other measures to fight racial discrimination.

According to the deputy in charge of presenting the bill to the National Assembly, Philippe Viulque, the new law `aims to act as a warning against odious practices� , given that two out of 10 employees feel that they have been discriminated against during their working lives. It will not, he stated, resolve all the difficulties involved in bringing `often surreptitious� forms of discrimination to light, but its main virtue is its dual `deterrent-supressive� nature. Mr Viulque indicated that `some companies, particularly in the temporary agency work sector, have already reviewed their recruitment procedures and brought in `good practice charters� , in anticipation of a potential rise in claims that the new law might trigger off.�

Author: Mouna VIPREY, Institution: Institut de Recherches Economiques et Sociales
First published: 4 January 2002

� European Foundation for Improvement of Living and Working Conditions

``xfrance``x``xNew anti-discrimination law adopted ``x1015419310,96566,Employment_Law``xNovember 2001 saw the adoption in France of a new law to prevent discrimination at the workplace. The legislation adds new prohibited grounds of discrimination (including age and sexual orientation), adjusts the burden of proof in discrimination cases and makes it easier to bring court cases.``x ``x

In December 2001, the government-appointed Pensions Stewardship Council (COR) issued its first report on the future of French pensions, providing a detailed analysis of current schemes and possible future reforms. Without recommending a particular option, which it sees as the responsibility of politicians, the COR identifies a number of principles on which to base future decisions.

The Pensions Stewardship Council (Conseil d'orientation des retraites, COR) was set up in May 2000. It reports directly to the Prime Minister and is made up of 32 members: 16 social partner representatives - though the Movement of French Enterprises (Mouvement des entreprises de France, MEDEF) has refused to sit on the Council until the government commits itself to overhauling the pensions system; three members of the National Assembly; three Senators; four representatives of the state; the chair of the National Union of Family Associations (Union nationale des associations familiales, UNAF); the vice-chair of the National Committee of Retirees and Older People (Comit� national des retrait�s et des personnes �g�es); and four people chosen for their particular qualifications and experience in this area. The COR is chaired by Yannick Moreau.

On 6 December 2001, six months before the presidential election, the COR published its first report. After the `Charpin Report� and the `Teulade Report� (published in March 1999 and December 1999 respectively), this was the third report in preparation for a reform of retirement pensions.

More thorough analysis
In its evaluation of the current situation, the COR stresses the importance of the effects of the pension reforms begun in the 1990s, which, if current legislation is not amended, will lead to a steep fall in the `substitution rate� (the relationship between pension and previous income from work) in the private sector, of around 20% on average. It laments the fact that the effects of the past reforms are little known and misunderstood, which has led to confused perspectives and exaggerated concerns about retirement pensions. Contrary to previous official reports, the COR's expresses its avowed willingness to reject any form of `sensationalism� on this topic.

The report comprises a detailed analysis of the economic and demographic factors influencing the future of retirement pension schemes over the next 40 years. Unlike the previous two reports, the scenarios described include two new variables: labour productivity and the division of added value between work-derived and capital-derived income. The financial projections for 2040 point to the need for additional pension funding of about 4% of GDP, if there are no changes to legislation. The impact of a possible review of the pension reform measures taken by the Balladur administration in 1993 is also assessed.

Alongside this financial data, the COR examines the impact on retirement pensions of changes in the organisation of society, particularly the sequence of periods of work, leisure and lifelong learning. In its future work, the COR is planning to continue this rethink of how such periods in an individual's life can be linked more effectively.

Guidelines and proposals
The COR report's main guidelines and proposals are set out below.

Renewal and adapting the `social contract between generations�
In terms of renewing and adapting the `social contract between generations� , three basic principles must be reaffirmed:

`pay-as-you-go� pensions (whereby the pensions of people currently in retirement are met from the contributions of those currently in employment) must remain the basis of a system based on inter-generational solidarity;

the system must remain based on the link between work and pensions, even if this means incorporating some form of redistribution by granting non-contributory benefits; and

the right to work is as important as the right to a retirement pension.

Complementary principles put forward by the COR are:

ensuring the financial soundness of the retirement pension system;

ensuring equal treatment and effort among contributors;

granting greater leeway for individual choices; and

affirming the right to information.

Immediate changes in the field of work
The COR advocates a proactive policy for employing older workers, to be enacted under the tripartite leadership of the state, the trade unions and the employers' associations. This policy should:

alter the perceptions and practices of companies, central and local government departments and employees;
limit the use of early retirement and encourage gradual progressive retirement;

adapt jobs to fit an ageing workforce, by fostering lifelong learning and intervening in working conditions and work organisation, placing more value on the skills acquired by experienced workers; and

create a favourable regulatory environment, though the option of earning a salary alongside a pension, and the elimination of age discrimination. This perspective, important both in relation to the needs of the labour market and retirement pension systems, involves a great deal of mobilisation and radical change in the representation and practices of public and private-sector actors.

In the COR's view, such a commitment is not only necessary but is a prerequisite for lengthening the period during which pension contributions are paid.

Targets for pension levels and balancing instruments
The report highlights the possible combinations of, and relationships between, three important variables in attaining a given substitution rate for pensions: the level of contributions; the age at which the worker is due to stop work; and the level of pension. The COR advocates that amendments intended to guarantee the financial balance of the pensions system be very clearly publicised, unlike the strategy deployed in connection with the 1993 reform. It thus favours clearly stating the future level of retirement pensions (ie the substitution rate) in order to assuage people's anxieties.

Responding to citizens' expectations
In terms of equality and solidarity among pension contributors, the COR proposes that more weight be given to a job's degree of hardship, the ups and downs of career paths and inequalities between occupational categories, all the more so for employees who have paid contributions for a long time. It also favours offering more choice to individuals, for example by modifying reductions in pension entitlement for early retirement and increases in pension for postponed retirement, and by promoting gradual progressive retirement. Lastly, the report stresses that the right of access to information must be greatly improved.

With respect to the burning issue of the differences in contribution periods between schemes covering private and public sector employees, the COR examines the implications of a range of options without choosing any of them. It identifies a serious bone of contention between the members of the COR: the way in which equality between private sector employees and civil servants can be achieved in terms of the period of contributions required to grant entitlement to a full pension. The options are either to require everybody to pay contributions for 40 years or return to a 37.5-year period.

The COR strongly expresses its desire not to close the debate and its wish to defer the making of the most difficult decisions to collective bargaining and politicians. It thus leaves it up to the state and the social partners to solve issues such as level of pensions, the choice of measures to fund pensions and the establishment of a timetable for implementing them.

Reactions
MEDEF, which refused to take part in the COR's work, is still highly critical. Denis Kessler, the MEDEF vice-president, stated that `this third report has nothing new to say. But the COR has done exactly what it was supposed to do, earn two years' breathing space so that any decision is postponed until after the elections.�

The trade unions that participated in the COR have welcomed the `serious and thorough� study conducted. The diagnosis and the need for reform are now endorsed by all the participants. Nicole Notat, the general secretary of the French Democratic Confederation of Labour (Conf�d�ration fran�aise d�mocratique du travail, CFDT), feels that `the COR has done serious work, but the question is, what are the various stakeholders, including the government, going to do with the findings?�

Jean-Christophe Le Duigou of the General Confederation of Labour (Conf�d�ration g�n�rale du travail, CGT) commented that the COR had provided `a clear overview of the issues being discussed� , which had `not previously been identified� . He added that the COR had `taken explicit positions on basic issues� . Mr Le Duigou feels that policy on age and work is `the principal means of funding retirement pensions� .

The COR's union members, particularly CGT and CFDT, have pointed out that `the COR is in no way a forum for negotiation� . The Unitary Union Federation (F�d�ration Syndicale Unitaire, FSU), concluded that the report is a `toolkit for an ongoing debate� .

Commentary
The modus operandi adopted by the COR enabled a certain degree of consensus to be obtained, especially on the need to instigate a policy on age and work, and allowed the usual `apocalyptic� discourse on the future of pensions to be avoided. Examining the various avenues of action while leaving the choices open enabled criticism from some trade unions to be sidestepped.

However, the forthcoming phase of bargaining on the pensions issue is still extremely sensitive. The possible bringing into line of the contribution period for civil servants with that of private-sector employees, and the reform of the special schemes - in state-owned companies such as EDF-GDF (electricity and gas) and SNCF (railways) - are two particularly explosive issues in the context of an election campaign. The debate is set to continue beyond the 2002 parliamentary and presidential elections.

Author: Annie Jolivet, Antoine Math, Institution: Institut de Recherches Economiques et Sociales, first published date: 29-01-2002

``xfrance``x``xPensions review group presents first report``x1015419461,75836,Employment_Law``xIn December 2001, the government-appointed Pensions Stewardship Council (COR) issued its first report on the future of French pensions, providing a detailed analysis of current schemes and possible future reforms.``x ``x

Late 2001 saw the publication by the Ministry of Employment of two studies of employee representation in French firms, based on widely-differing statistical sources. The Ministry published both the results of the 1999 works council elections and the findings of a survey of the existence of various employee representative structures in companies and workplaces. The two studies confirm that works councils are now a significant presence in the industrial relations landscape, and indicate a recovery in support for trade unions, particularly CFDT and CGT.

For several years, the methods of collecting statistical data on the collective representation of French employees, published by the Ministry of Employment, have been changing. New information derived from various sample-based surveys - such as `R�ponse� and the Survey on Labour Activity and Employment Status (Enqu�te sur l'Activit� et les Conditions d'Emploi de la Main d'Oeuvre, ACEMO) - has supplemented the old sources such as election results for works councils, and industrial tribunals..

In late 2001, the Ministry of Employment's Office for Research and Statistics (Direction de l'animation de la recherche, des �tudes et des statistiques du minist�re de l'Emploi, DARES) published an analysis of the 1999 works council election results (Premi�res synth�ses, No. 49.1, December 2001) as well as findings from an ACEMO survey on employee representative institutions in 1999 (Premi�res informations, No. 48.1, November 2001). The almost simultaneous publication of these two studies has highlighted the differences between the available data sets in terms of their nature, production methods and findings.

1999 works council election results
The DARES study of works council election results covers all companies or workplaces with at least 50 employees, which have a statutory obligation to hold works council (comit� d'entreprise) elections every two years. These election results are sent by the concerned companies to the Ministry of Employment's decentralised offices. The results are often used to assess the strength of support for trade unions, which present slates of candidates for election.

The field of study for the DARES research is not directly comparable from one year to the next for various reasons. First, changes in company structure (closures, mergers, change of location etc) have an impact on representative institutions that is hard to deal with statistically. Second, since 1991, elections at the SNCF national railway have taken place in even years only.

At SNCF, whose electorate accounts for almost 10% of all works council votes nationally, the turnout is higher than elsewhere, and most importantly, only unions are represented. This schedule for works council elections therefore justify a method of analysing the aggregate voting scores over a period of two consecutive years, ie on an `election cycle� basis. This allows union support and its development to be charted more precisely. However, the results from an even or odd year are still comparable with those from two years previously - thus the 1999 results are comparable with those for 1997.

The 1999 election results corroborated prior developments. The election turnout was slightly down on 1997, by 0.5 percentage points to 65.3 %. This trend is mostly due to large companies, where the drop was in the order of two points.

The most significant fact to arise from the 1999 results is the continuing decline of non-union slates, which can run in the second round of voting for works council members if there is a lack of union candidates in the first round. In the 1980s, union support was steadily eroded by non-union slates.

Since 1992, this trend has been reversed. Between 1997 and 1999, non-union slates recorded their largest fall in support, by 3.5 points, thus falling below 26% of the vote. The larger the workplace or company, the higher the support for unions. The non-union slates, more often present in smaller workplaces or companies, experienced a considerable reduction in their vote (by six to seven points), in firms with fewer than 100 employees, which benefited the union slates, especially those of the General Confederation of Labour (Conf�d�ration g�n�rale du travail, CGT).

The relative support for the various unions has changed little. Since 1991, the French Democratic Confederation of Labour (Conf�d�ration fran�aise d�mocratique du travail, CFDT) has overtaken the CGT in odd years (ie those where no elections took place in the SNCF), with CGT leading both in even years and overall in each two-year cycle. This was also the case for 1999. Between 1997 and 1999, CFDT increased its vote by 2.5 points, to reach 22.9%, while CGT gained 1.1 points to 21.5% of votes cast.

The French Christian Workers' Confederation (Conf�d�ration fran�aise des travailleurs chr�tiens, CFTC) increased its vote by 0.7 points to 5.8%. The General Confederation of Labour-Force ouvri�re (Conf�d�ration g�n�rale du travail-Force ouvri�re, CGT-FO) and the French Confederation of Professional and Managerial Staff-General Confederation of Professional and Managerial Staff (Conf�d�ration fran�aise de l'encadrement-Conf�d�ration g�n�rale des cadres, CFE-CGC) retained their share of the vote at 12.2% and 6.3% respectively. The other unions unaffiliated to any of the five confederations with national representative status together lost 0.3 points of the overall vote, leaving their total support at 5.6%.

Representative bodies in 1999
The DARES survey of employee representative bodies and structures, carried out in 1999, used a representative sample of 11,000 workplaces and 900 businesses with at least 10 employees covered by the ACEMO field of study. Central and local government and much of the health and social service sectors are excluded . A questionnaire, sent to companies, dealt with the presence of various representative structures in the workplace or company being surveyed. These were:

workforce delegates (d�l�gu�s du personnel),

works councils;

workplace health and safety committees (comit�s d'hygi�ne, de s�curit� et des conditions de travail, CHSCTs); and

trade union delegates (d�l�gu�s syndicaux).

The findings of the survey show the extent to which the workplaces and companies concerned are covered by one or other of these institutions. A strong hypothesis in the study is that if one workplace or company is covered by a works council, all the workplaces within that company are also covered. The same assumption holds for trade union delegates and CHSCTs. The survey covers the period March 1997 to March 1999, in order to fit in all the works councils and workforce delegates elected on a two-year mandate.

In 1999, more than half of workplaces with at least 10 employees, which account for one in five employees, were not covered by any representative structure. However, collective employee representation is becoming a general rule in companies and establishments above the statutory threshold for setting up works councils. Fewer than 7% of workplaces with 50 employees or more now have no representative body, while 98% of those with over 250 employees have at least one form of representation. Moreover, the presence of union delegates leads to that of other representative structures. Lastly, the survey bears out the respective positions of the various unions: CFDT and CGT have the equal highest support.

Commentary
The production of French industrial relations statistics is paradoxical, in that there are few sources compared with other fields (such as employment), while at the same time the new sources used to increase the amount of data make them more confusing. Serious gaps between sets of findings have been identified, depending on the various sources. Thus, the hypothesis formulated in the ACEMO survey of employee representation in terms of the rate of coverage by such bodies, apart from being legally and sociologically questionable, might be interpreted differently by the companies surveyed.

In order to overcome these problems, a series of seminars involving researchers and trade unionists, arranged on the initiative of DARES and the Economic and Social Research Institute (Institut de recherches �conomiques et sociales, IRES), is currently assessing the available data and their possible development.

Author: Catherine Vincent, IRES

� European Foundation for Improvement of Living and Working Conditions

``xfrance``x``xResearch examines employee representation ``x1015419990,49185,Employment_Law``xLate 2001 saw the publication by the Ministry of Employment of two studies of employee representation in French firms, based on widely-differing statistical sources. The two studies confirm that works councils are now a significant presence in the industrial relations landscape.``x ``x

In October 2001, France's consultative Economic and Social Council (CES) adopted an opinion on measures to address the issues raised by the ageing workforce. The opinion deems increased employment among older workers as a priority in the light of demographic change, and sets out specific proposals to amend current practices.

On 24 October 2001, the Economic and Social Council (Conseil �conomique et social, CES) adopted an opinion entitled `The dynamics of the active population and employment: the forward planning of the age profile towards 2010� (Dynamique de la population active et emploi : la gestion pr�visionnelle des �ges � l'horizon 2010), based on a report tabled by Bernard Quintreau of the French Democratic Confederation of Labour (Conf�d�ration fran�aise d�mocratique du travail, CFDT).

The context is that, as the large `baby-boomer� generation starts to reach retirement age between 2007 and 2011, the proportion of people aged over 60 in the population will rise rapidly. Increasing employment rates among the over 55s is a priority, given their significant numbers and current low employment rates (48% for the 55-59s, compared with 75% for the 50-54s).

The CES opinion sets out a series of proposals designed to retain existing older workers in employment or to allow them to re-enter the workforce. These measures include:

enhanced information and awareness about age and employment among the various parties involved (businesses, employee representative bodies, sectors and regional and local authorities);
improved human resource management in the areas of work organisation, working environment, training, recruitment and career management. Preventive policies are required to promote mobility and vocational retraining;
promotion of the transition to retirement through voluntary and phased-in retirement and early retirement schemes;
structured and phased-in elimination of all state assistance for early withdrawal from the labour force;
elimination of age-related barriers. This should mainly be achieved by the implementation of the recent European Union Directive (2000/78/EC) on equal treatment in employment and occupation ( EU0102295F), which prohibits age-based discrimination, as well as a concerted review of age-related clauses in civil service competitive entry exams and the introduction of age-neutral employment policy provisions; and
organisation of a national conference on `the second part of careers� , geared to defining overall guidelines for a national action plan on the forward planning of the age profile of the workforce.

These guidelines should to be used as a basis for national intersectoral negotiations and then for sectoral and company-level talks. A parallel communication and awareness drive designed to alter current mindsets is also proposed.

In the light of the expected decrease in the working population by around 2010, it is necessary to raise employment rates in all age groups to ensure growth, cut unemployment and provide funding for pensions schemes. Beside matters related to older workers, the issue of lifetime management of working time - through measures such as elective part-time working or worker-initiated leave - must also be addressed, according to the CES opinion. These individual choices must be guaranteed by collective agreement.

The report was endorsed by a large majority of CES members (148 votes out of 158). Only the General Confederation of Labour-Force ouvri�re (Conf�d�ration g�n�rale du travail-Force ouvri�re, CGT-FO) failed to support it. This trade union confederation specifically rejected any plan `which challenged the right of workers to retire at 60� or questioned the opportunity for early withdrawal from the labour force based on length of service or particularly onerous working or living conditions. CGT-FO expressed particular misgivings over any review of state assistance for withdrawal from the labour force.

The French Confederation of Professional and Managerial Staff-General Confederation of Professional and Managerial Staff (Conf�d�ration fran�aise de l'encadrement-Conf�d�ration g�n�rale des cadres, CFE-CGC) called for `national intersectoral negotiations aimed at developing a code of conduct� to address employment discrimination experienced by older workers.

The day prior to the adoption of the CES report, the Minister of Employment and Solidarity, Elisabeth Guigou, informed the National Assembly of her intention to `ask Bernard Quintreau [the CES rapporteur] to set out tangible proposals in the areas of communication, advice, vocational training and work organisation with a view to changing the employment situation for older workers� .

Author: Annie Jolivet, Institut de Recherches Economiques et Sociales
First published 15 February 2002

� European Foundation for Improvement of Living and Working Conditions

``xfrance``x``xCES examines issues raised by ageing workforce``x1015420294,92010,Employment_Law``xAs France's large `baby-boomer� generation starts to reach retirement age between 2007 and 2011, the proportion of people aged over 60 in the population will rise rapidly.``x ``x

In December 2001, France's National Assembly passed the controversial `social modernisation� law, which includes measures making redundancies more onerous for employers. In January 2002, the Constitutional Council approved most of the new law, opening the way for its implementation soon. However, it rejected one key point: the proposed restrictive definition of the permissible grounds for redundancy.

Throughout 2001, a government bill on `social modernisation� proceeded through the legislative process in the French parliament. The bill contained a variety of social measures, but the core was made up of provisions relating to redundancies, precarious employment and vocational training. The bill gave rise to heated debate, which focused particularly on the issue of redundancies (licenciements �conomiques).

Amendments and controversy
In its bill, the government sought to make redundancy an employer's last resort. It thus proposed that, before being able to table a redundancy plan (plan social), employers must have convened negotiations or reached an agreement on introducing the 35-hour working week. In addition, employers contemplating redundancies would have to have reduced `structural overtime� . If the company failed to meet these requirements, the courts could be called upon provisionally to block the redundancy plan. The employer would also be required to propose redeployment to alternative jobs requiring equivalent skills within the company or group. The works council should be informed prior to any public announcement of redundancies.

The left wing of the ruling Socialist-led coalition advocated a more restrictive definition and stricter rules governing redundancies in order to tackle the perceived problem of `abusive� redundancies. The text was considerably strengthened by amendments tabled by the French Communist Party (Parti communiste fran�ais) against the backdrop of the industrial unrest which broke out after several major redundancy plans were unveiled in spring 2001. As a result, the amended bill provided for:

a restrictive definition of redundancy, narrowing the acceptable grounds for such job losses to cover only particularly serious economic difficulties, technological advances and reorganisational requirements;

new rights for works council to oppose redundancies; a new system of mediation in redundancy disputes; and a new obligation on companies planning redundancies to draw up a `plan to safeguard employment� (plan de sauvegarde d'emploi).

Conservative members of parliament criticised what they perceived the `anti-economic� nature of the legislation. Their criticisms were based on the objections raised by some employers' associations. Indeed, the Movement of French Enterprises (Mouvement des entreprises de France, MEDEF), with the support of the French Association of Private Business (Association Fran�aise des Entreprises Priv�es, AFEP), waged war on the proposed legislation.

In October 2001, AFEP, - a lobby group made up of 80 heads of major French companies - published a manifesto signed by 56 of its members in the Les Echos daily newspaper. This document highlights the `risks� inherent in the new redundancy measures `for companies, their employees, and in more general terms, the employment situation in France� . The organisation contended that the proposed definition of redundancy was `a hindrance for companies� , which `need to take prompt action to address changes in the marketplace� .

The manifesto was especially critical of the doubling of the period before a redundancy plan can be put into effect (to a maximum of 80 days) and the strengthening of court powers. For AFEP, the latter flies in the face of `the desire to develop genuine social dialogue� . Lastly, the document states that requiring companies to provide information on redundancy plans to employee representative bodies first is not consistent with stock exchange rules.

The social modernisation law was finally passed by the National Assembly in December 2001. Conservative members of parliament then – as a last resort – referred the legislation to the Constitutional Council (Conseil Constitutionnel) for review.

Legislation amended
In January 2002, the Constitutional Council approved the law's provisions on redundancies with one key exception: it rejected the definition of redundancy.

The Council contended that the wording used in the legislation was overly restrictive, given that it provided only for three possible grounds for economic redundancy: `major economic difficulties where all possible solutions have been exhausted� ; `technological changes endangering the very survival of the company� ; and `reorganisation required to ensure the survival of the company� .

This definition, which precludes any other grounds for redundancy, such as cessation of business, was deemed to contravene two principles: first, the freedom to do business; and second, the safeguarding of employment. The Council maintained that these provisions would have prevented companies from pre-empting future difficulties by taking action designed to avoid larger-scale redundancies at a later date. Moreover the courts would not only have controlled the grounds for redundancies but also the choice of solution. As a result of the Constitutional Council ruling, the Labour Code's provisions on this issue - in their unamended form - supplemented by case law, continues to apply.

In general, the Council approved the remaining points, including:

the doubling of the minimum redundancy compensation; the extension of deadlines;
the requirement to convene negotiations on the 35-hour week prior to any redundancy plan (the so-called `Michelin amendment� );

increased powers for works councils;

nine-month redeployment leave for redundant workers;

a contributions to the regeneration of closed sites by companies with a workforce of over 1,000.

The aspects of the social modernisation law concerning the accreditation of vocational skills and experience, precarious employment and combating `moral harassment� (bullying) were approved. However, the Council stressed that for cases of moral harassment heard before civil and industrial courts, plaintiffs will be required to present `detailed and concurring presumptive evidence� .

Controversy continues
If the various protests at the decision by the Constitutional Council do not lead to a review of the legislation by the National Assembly, the social modernisation law should come into force as soon as it has been promulgated or the enabling decrees have been published.

With the presidential election only some three months away, the controversy surrounding this legislation is framed by heightened political debate. The conservative opposition has labelled the Constitutional Council decision a repudiation of government policy. The Left on the other hand, criticised the `political� position taken by the Council's `learned members� , the vast majority of whom are claimed to be right-leaning. The Ecologist Party (Les Verts) and the Communists were the most scathing in their criticisms. In the opinion of Robert Hue, the Communist Party leader, `this decision sets a very serious precedent� and `incites industrial violence and disregard for workers� .

MEDEF expressed its `satisfaction� at the Constitutional Council decision. It pointed out that it was not surprised by the Council's decision, since the `government and the ruling coalition had indulged in developing provisions which were radically contrary to the interests of the country� . The employers' organisation let it be known that it would be `unstinting in its attempts to have all the other anti-employment provisions contained in the legislation (...) repealed� .

Trompenaars Hampden-Turner is based in Amsterdam.

``xfrance``xa``xReconciling Cultural Differences``x1018819258,8313,XA``xGood intentions are a good start. But the key to understanding and reconciling cultural diversity is knowledge of the origins and influences of cultural differences. Followed by respect for cultural differences in style and approach and finally reconciliation.``x ``x

It is a rare honour to be invited to a French home for a meal, particularly in the larger cities. If you do receive an invitation, it is best to arrive 10-15 minutes late -- never early.

Dress formally, as if you were going to a restaurant, and bring an appropriate gift for the host/hostess. Do not expect a tour of the house, as the division between public and private life in France makes this practice uncommon.

Socializing with French business contacts outside the office is important. Lunch and dinner meetings can last several hours, and usually very little (if any) business is discussed during these "meetings." Being entertaining, articulate, and polite during these interactions will help you to make a good impression and demonstrate your ability to build relationships.

``xfrance``x``xInvited to dinner in a French home?``x1018955682,94142,People_and_Culture``xIt is a rare honour to be invited to a French home for a meal, particularly in the larger cities. If you do receive an invitation, it is best to arrive 10-15 minutes late -- never early.``x ``x

It is recommende that you are selective when entertaining your French visitors. Remember that form and style are important in French culture. Consider carefully your choice of restaurants, hotels, and transportation; all of these decisions convey a measure of respect for your guests.

The French style of interaction is relatively formal compared to that of some other cultures. Visitors are likely to expect a formal reception. Titles, status, and protocol are important; it is advisable to familiarise yourself with the titles and status of your French visitors and to show proper respect in their terms.

The Business Lunch or Dinner
Building and maintaining proper relationships is an essential aspect of doing business with the French. The "business lunch" is one of the most popular venues for doing so. When arranging a business lunch, reservations are generally a necessity. If you make it clear from the beginning that you are making an invitation, your guests will probably not protest. Usually, the person who initiates the meal pays the bill.

Business lunches and dinners in France will often extend for 2 hours or more. (Dinners usually start late, around 8:00 or 9:00 p.m.). During business meals, the emphasis is on getting to know one another, enjoying the food and the atmosphere, and not necessarily on discussing business. It is always a good idea to show appreciation for the quality of the food. Business topics are often reserved for the cheese course at the end of the meal or not discussed at all. Nevertheless, sharing meals with colleagues is an expected and appreciated event.

Wine is almost always served with lunch or dinner. While wine provides an opportunity to relax and loosen up, in general, the French do not approve of inebriation. Irrespective of whether you are drinking or not, it is most polite to accept a glass of wine anyway and sip it slowly. It is considered poor etiquette to drink hard liquor before a meal or to smoke during the meal. This is thought to detract from the enjoyment of the food by deadening the taste buds.

Try to keep both hands on the table while eating; it is inappropriate to leave one under the table. The French generally eat with the fork in the left hand and the knife in the right. Remember to eat slowly as there are many courses in a traditional French meal. It is impolite to put the cheese on top of your bread or to serve yourself more than once. After you are finished eating, it is common etiquette to place your cutlery across your plate. Remember to moderate the volume of your voice when eating in ublic. Some foreigners are known for being inappropriately loud in public places.

It is considered impolite to leave the table to use the restrooms during a meal. Also, turn off your mobile phone well in advance of meeting your colleagues, a ringing phone is the height of bad manners, surpassed only by the insult of answering a call in company.

It is a rare honour to be invited to a French home for a meal, particularly in the larger cities. If you do receive an invitation, it is best to arrive 10-15 minutes late -- never early. Dress formally, as if you were going to a restaurant, and bring an appropriate gift for the host/hostess. Do not expect a tour of the house, as the division between public and private life in France makes this practice uncommon.

Socializing with French business contacts outside the office is another key aspect of establishing credibility. Lunch and dinner meetings can last several hours, and usually very little (if any) business is discussed during these "meetings." Being entertaining, articulate, and polite during these interactions will help you to make a good impression and demonstrate your ability to build relationships.

Style and form are greatly admired in French culture, and appropriate dress enhances credibility for both men and women. Pay attention to the way your colleagues are dressed and take care with your own attire. In business attire, it is best to dress conservatively and to wait for your counterparts to suggest or demonstrate a more casual approach. If you are working in Paris, you may encounter more varied business attire.

``xfrance``xe``xBusiness Entertainment``x1018955788,17040,XA``xBuilding and maintaining proper relationships is an essential aspect of doing business with the French. The "business lunch" is one of the most popular venues for doing so.``x ``x

Influenced by Roman, Mediterranean, and traditional Gallic cultures, French behaviours and attitudes are generally more Latin than northern European in nature. French core values reflect a unique blend of individualism and hierarchy, formality and confrontation.

In French society, respect and formality are greatly valued, while behaviours that assume familiarity such as using first names, teasing, or backslapping, are generally considered inappropriate among anyone other than the closest of friends. Proper etiquette is expected in most business and social situations, with an emphasis on protocol, appropriate dress, and deference based on social status.

France has socially distinct classes. One's place in the class structure is based on family lineage and educational background, not on money. Many French institutions -- government, the educational system, and businesses -- are both centralised and hierarchical. As a result, decision-making processes tend to be lengthy; patience as well as access to top-level decision-makers may be needed.

Despite an emphasis on hierarchy and centralisation, individual freedom, dignity, and creativity are greatly valued. Within the boundaries of class and organisational role, conformity is discouraged and individuality praised. Procedures and rules are frequently circumvented in order to achieve a greater goal.

The French place high value on the art of conversation and argumentation. While blunt frankness is not generally welcomed, a well-argued position exhibiting tact and logic is. Being well- informed, articulate, and able to discuss a variety topics is a mark of sophistication. The French enjoy discussing politics and current events in many situations; however, business and social interactions rarely involve personal inquiries or disclosure.

The French believe that their country has been a substantial contributor to the fields of philosophy, art, cuisine, and fashion. French people tend to take pride in their history, language, and culture. And they like to say so, sometimes leading others to interpret their attitude as haughty or chauvinistic.

Personal contacts and relationships are a key part of establishing credibility in France; in most business enterprises, years are spent forming the extensive networks needed to be effective. Ideally, you should allow for the ample time needed to build strong relationships. In general, you will need to sell yourself - your knowledge, your character, and your ability to build relationships - before you can sell your ideas and products. If you know a third party who can help speed up this process (e.g. commerical section in your country's embassy), use them.

If you are new to French culture and if your French language abilities are not strong, it is advisable to engage carefully selected representatives to assist you in the process of establishing credibility. Effective representation in France involves highly qualified, well-connected individuals who are able to introduce you to key contacts, and to advise you on proper etiquette, procedures, and expectations.

Trust and respect are earned by your ability to work smoothly within the various contexts of the French business culture. If you are not familiar with these contexts, and do not have the time to become familiar with them, it is wise to work closely with someone who knows the system well. Being connected to the highest levels in the organization is also an important part of establishing credibility in France. Whenever possible, it is always wise to be introduced to and by senior members of the organization. In the process of building high-level relationships, commitment is very important. Whenever you make a commitment, be sure to keep it or it will reflect poorly on you, your representatives, and your organization.

Credibility is closely tied to a person's social standing and educational background. While these credentials are not as important for foreign managers, it is generally advisable to indicate post-graduate degrees and even a prestigious alma mater on your business card. Furthermore, an informed understanding of and respect for French history and culture will greatly enhance your credibility.

However, while your French counterparts may be impressed by your educational background and general knowledge, they are not likely to be impressed by your descriptions of past accomplishments. Boasting is considered bad form and should be avoided. Similarly, overly familiar behavior such as disclosing too much personal information before a personal relationship has been developed can damage credibility.

``xfrance``xb``xAn Insight into French Culture``x1018956204,33051,XA``xIn French society, respect and formality are greatly valued, while behaviours that assume familiarity such as using first names, teasing, or backslapping, are generally considered inappropriate among anyone other than the closest of friends.``x ``x

Business cards are exchanged regularly in France. In formal settings, you may offer your card to a person of higher rank but you may not receive one in return.

Business cards are an expression of the formality of business etiquette in France, and it is usual to show academic credentials as well as other appropriate titles on your cards.

``xfrance``xd``xBusiness Cards``x1018956278,15154,XA``xIn formal settings, you may offer your card to a person of higher rank but you may not receive one in return. ``x ``x

Good taste is essential when giving gifts in France; timing is also important. In general, avoid giving gifts at your first business meetings.

When you do give a gift to a business associate, it should be substantial and of good quality but not too lavish. Books and music are considered good gifts as they reflect an appreciation of knowledge and the arts. Biographies are a good option; be careful, however, not to insult the intelligence of your associate by giving simple books. Giving gifts featuring your company's logo can be considered tacky.

If you are invited to someone's home, bring a gift with you and present your gift before the meal or party. Flowers are appropriate with the exception of chrysanthemums (used for funerals), red roses (exchanged between lovers and very good friends), and carnations (thought to bring bad luck).

It is safest not to bring wine to a party or meal, as the host will probably want to select the most appropriate wine for the occasion. Fine chocolates or liqueur make good gift items as long as they are of good quality. To thank you hosts for their hospitality, a thank-you note the next day is appropriate and may be accompanied by a basket of flowers or fruit.

``xfrance``xg``xGifts``x1018956486,20069,XA``xGood taste is essential when giving gifts in France; anything with your company logo will be considered tacky``x ``x

Dress codes vary depending on the context, however in business attire as in many other areas of French culture, formality is the safest bet.

It is best to dress conservatively and to wait for your counterparts to suggest or demonstrate a more casual environment.

If you are working in Paris, the standard of dress will usually be somewhat formal. Dark suits are the norm.

``xfrance``xh``xBusiness Dress``x1018956559,94161,XA``xIt is best to dress conservatively and to wait for your counterparts to suggest or demonstrate a more casual environment. ``x ``x

French employees typically prefer to be evaluated as individuals, independent from their work team or department.

Employees tend to stick to their job descriptions. If you expect otherwise, you need to communicate this clearly.

Do not expect French employees to share your sense of urgency regarding deadlines, appointments, and schedules. In this culture, interruptions are common and deadlines can be frequently missed.

In general, employees tend to be concerned about overall style and impression, while details may be perceived as less important; the French typically tend to strive for good form over perfection of specifics. Keep this in mind when evaluating your French employees, and if detail focus is required for the job, be sure to make clear your expectations at the outset.

``xfrance``xi``xWhat French Employees Expect from their Managers``x1018956674,94444,XA``xEmployees tend to stick to their job descriptions. If you expect otherwise, you need to communicate this clearly. ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1019145124,87063,Starting_a_Business``xInsurance, Banking, Credit for the Self-Employed ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1019145285,63586,Starting_a_Business``x Accounting Information for the Self-Employed ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1019145364,94740,Starting_a_Business``x Craftspeople ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1019145436,24050,Starting_a_Business``x Self Employed Professionals ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1019145533,38612,Starting_a_Business``x Small and Medium Sized Businesses in France (in French)``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1019145649,6983,Finding_Work_and_Workers``x Employment Statistics (in French)``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1019145709,5771,Finding_Work_and_Workers``x Employment Research and Statistics ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1019145798,2486,Finding_Work_and_Workers``x New Employment Youth Service ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1019146027,7218,Starting_a_Business``x French department of Health and Safety at Work ``x ``x

The tax year in France is the calendar year.

Income tax is not deducted at source, although social security contributions are. Taxpayers are responsible for making a declaration of their earnings and tax payments. Income must be declared by 1 March every year on a form 'Votre D�claration de Revenus'. This is sent to you automatically; if you are making a declaration for the first time, you can get a form at your local mairie. Late payments are subject to a fine of 10 per cent.

Tax payments are generally made three times per year - 15 February, 15 May and 15 September. However, you can elect to make monthly payments in ten equal instalments from January to October by direct debit from your bank account. The amount of tax paid is a percentage of your tax liability in the previous year. The outstanding balance is due to be paid in November and December.

Taxes payable are: income tax, social tax and social security contributions. The rates are outlined in the following articles.

Please take professional accounting advice with regard to your tax situation in France.

``xfrance``xa``xTax system in France``x1019479766,8152,Money_Matters``xTax payments are generally made three times per year - 15 February, 15 May and 15 September. However, you can elect to make monthly payments in ten equal instalments from January to October by direct debit from your bank account. ``x ``x

Unlike the payment of income tax, for which the individual is responsible, social security contributions are deducted at source from income on a pay-as-you-earn basis.

There are several social security schemes. Employees in the private sector are covered by the r�gime general. This is financed by contributions from employees and employers and covers the following:

Medical insurance (assurance maladie), maternity benefits (maternit�), work accidents (accidents de travail) and disability (invalidit�). These are managed by the 129 Caisses Primaires d'Assurance Maladie (CPAM) and co-ordinated by the Caisse National d'Assurance Maladie (CNAM).

Family allowance (allocations familiales), managed by the Caisse d'Allocations Familiales (CAF)

Old-age pensions (assurance vieillesse), managed by the Caisse Nationale d'Assurance Vieillesse.

Unemployment benefits (indemnities ch�mage). These are managed by the Association pour l'Emploi dans l'Industrie et le Commerce (ASSEDIC), and the Union Nationale Interprofessonelle pour l'Emploi dans L'Industrie et le Commerce (UNEDIC).

Social security taxes are separate from CSG and CRDS contributions. These are social taxes; details are included in the article on tax rates.

The total social security charge for 2001 is between 15 and 21 per cent (depending on retirement fund contributions) of gross salary for employees and 35-45 per cent for employers.

Employee's Contribution
As an employee, you pay some contributions on your entire earnings and others to set levels. A contribution of 0.85 per cent is payable on your entire earnings towards the sickness and widowhood pension. On the first €27,350 of taxable income, you will pay the following contributions:

6.55% old age pension.
3.0 % supplementary pension
2.9% unemployment insurance

Additional amounts are payable above €27,350. See the worked tax examples and the complete the form "Work out your net take home pay".

These examples are intended for information only and you should take professional tax advice relevant to your own situation.

``xfrance``xb``xSocial Security in France``x1019479974,12174,Money_Matters``xUnlike the payment of income tax, for which the individual is responsible, social security contributions are deducted at source from income on a pay-as-you-earn basis.``x ``x

Social Tax
Social tax is imposed on 95% of gross salary, benefits in kind and above base compensation at a flat rate of 8%. The social tax comprises a social contribution (CSG) and a deficit-reduction tax (CRDS). CSG and CRDS are independent of social security taxes. EU nationals working on secondment in France who remain under the home country social security rules do not have to pay CSG and CRDS.

Income Tax
Income tax is France is levied at progressive rates, with a maximum of 52.75%. Family co-efficient rules are used to balance the progressive tax rate with the taxpaying capacity of the household.

Family Coefficient System
Under this system, taxable income is divided by the number of allowances available to the individual taxpayer. The final tax liability is calculated by multiplying the tax computed for one allowance by the number of allowances claimed. The following allowances are available:

Family Members = Number of Allowances
Single individual = 1
Married Couple, no children = 2
1st child = 0.5
2nd child = 1.0
Each additional dependent child 1.0

There is a ceiling on the amount of tax that can be saved using the family co-efficient system. For example, for a married couple claiming for the 2001 tax year the tax savings were capped at FF 13,020 (EUR 1,985) for each additional half allowance claimed.

Tax Credits
Tax credits are allowed for social security contributions, statutory pension contributions, professional expenses (10% of expenses incurred between €360 and €12,050), and the first €110,100 of all the balance of income (credit given at a rate of 20%).

Following are the 2002 tax year (2001 income tax) brackets and rates for an individual.

Taxable Income €

Rate %

0 – 4,000

4,000 – 7,980

7,980 – 14,040

14,040 – 22,750

22,750 – 37,000

37,000 – 45,600

45,600 +

7.5

46.75

52.75

``xfrance``xc``xTax Rates, Allowances and Deductions``x1019480195,97502,Money_Matters``xIncome tax is France is levied at progressive rates, with a maximum of 52.75%. Family co-efficient rules are used to balance the progressive tax rate with the taxpaying capacity of the household.``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1020086268,86138,Finding_Work_and_Workers``x Cadres Online Jobsearch English Version ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1020086302,84618,Finding_Work_and_Workers``x Menway Recruitment ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1020086327,51605,Finding_Work_and_Workers``x Telejob ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1020086351,53813,Finding_Work_and_Workers``x Jobpilot France ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1020086382,19485,Finding_Work_and_Workers``x Stepstone France ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1020113309,74186,Recent_News``x International Herald Tribune Paris ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1020113341,85108,Recent_News``x Le Parisien ``x ``x

``xfrance``x``x``x1020113372,89541,Recent_News``x Le Monde ``x ``x

EU driving licences
Thanks to the latest EU directive on driving licences, if you come from an EU member state you no longer need to exchange your licence for a French one within a year of obtaining your carte de s�jour (residence permit). You can continue to drive on it until it expires.

You can also record an EU licence at the local pr�fecture for no charge and will receive an attestation that will make the issuing of a replacement licence in the case of loss or theft much easier.

However, anyone committing an offence in France that leads to a loss of points or withdrawal of their licence will have to exchange their licence for a French one. You are liable to on-the-spot checks at any time, so you should always carry your licence and vehicle registration document when driving.

Exchanging your licence for a French one costs €25.

Non-EU driving licences
If you're from outside of the EU, you're allowed to drive on your licence for a year from receiving your carte de s�jour, then after that you must get a French licence.

If French licences are recognised in your country of origin, you can simply exchange your licence for a French one without taking a French driving test. But if your country of origin doesn't allow a simple licence exchange for French citizens, you'll have to take a French driving test.

If you're a US citizen, the situation varies depending which state you come from. If your state of origin allows the exchange of a French licence for a US one, you can simply exchange your US licence for a French one. If it doesn't, you'll need to take a French driving test.

An international driving licence is only valid in France for a year and is essentially intended for people who are not resident, such as world travellers.

Queries about driving licences should be addressed to your local pr�fecture or sous pr�fecture (ask for the "service des permis de conduire").

DRIRE:
(The site has full listings of the documents required for re-registration.)
Indigo Tel: 080 236 00 00 (0.98 F per minute)
web site: www.drire.gouv.fr

French Transport Ministry:
(Minist�re de l'Equipement, des Transports et du Logement), Arche de la D�fence, 92055 La Defense, CEDEX
Tel. 01 40 81 21 22
web site: www.equipement.gouv.fr

Customs
Tel: 0825 30 82 63 or, if calling from a mobile phone: 0825 36 82 63
web site : www.finances.gouv.fr/douane

``xfrance``x``xDriving Licences``x1023454474,89027,Essentials``xAn international driving licence is only valid in France for a year and is essentially intended for people who are not resident``x ``x

In France, second-hand cars must undergo a contr�le (test) procedure within the six months preceding any sale. A "certificat de situation" is also required, which shows that no unpaid parking or other fines apply and that there is no outstanding debt on the vehicle. It is important to ask for this for your own protection.

If you're buying a new car, the dealer usually arranges to obtain the carte grise for you and this may also happen if you buy a second-hand car through a garage.

Otherwise, you need to apply to your local pr�fecture, where you will be asked for proof of identity. The price of the carte grise is also based on the horsepower of the vehicle and is halved if the vehicle is more than 10 years old.

Tax disks were recently abolished for private cars but are still required for company vehicles.

``xfrance``x``xBuying a Car in France``x1023454548,1424,Essentials``xsecond-hand cars must undergo a contr�le technique within the six months preceding any sale``x ``x

The French like their paperwork. If you've arrived in France with your home country registered car and home driving licence, here are some of the things you need to know and do as a priority.

Re-registering cars
You are allowed to drive on "foreign" plates as a tourist for just three months.

After three months, if you plan to stay, your vehicle will need French number plates. Just in the same way as you'll need a residence permit - called a "carte de s�jour".

For tax and customs purposes, foreigners are considered to be resident in France if they spend more than 185 days here per year.

As a resident of France you have a month from the moment of obtaining your residence permit in which to re-register your "foreign" car. (The same re-registration delay is applied to a French national importing a car from abroad).

Getting the permit first will help you through the rest, though it is possible to begin the procedure early while still under tourist status.

If you're from a European Union (EU) member state and your car is a standard model that conforms to French norms, (those currently on sale in France), re-registration is more straightforward.

But if you are bringing your car in from outside the EU, or your vehicle is out of the French ordinary, the process can prove time-consuming and expensive. In this case, you might well find that buying a new car in France is the more appealing option after all.

There are no customs formalities if you're bringing a vehicle to France from another EU member state. However, you are supposed to go to your local tax office for a "certificat de r�gularit� fiscale", which shows that you've already paid Value Added Tax (VAT) on the car at home.

If the VAT has not been paid, you'll be eligible to pay VAT in France.

If your car was bought privately second-hand, there is no VAT to pay on it in France whether you come from within or outside the EU.

If you are from a non-EU country, you'll need to obtain certificate 846 A from the customs services - called "le service des douanes" - to show that you have complied with French customs requirements (ask them for specific information concerning the country from which the car was imported).

Any car more than four years old will have to pass a mechanical and safety check-up called a "contr�le technique" before it can be re-registered. The contr�le technique is mandatory on all vehicles in France over four years old, and you must submit your vehicle for the test every two years.

Registration is called "immatriculation", and you'll need to go to your local pr�fecture or sous-pr�fecture (chief, or sub-regional administration center) whichever's nearest your home to collect a "demande de certificat d'immatriculation" to fill in.

You will also need an official document showing the vehicle conforms with French standards and this is obtained from the Direction R�gionale de l'Industrie et de la Recherche, the DRIRE. This organisation handles all the technical aspects of re-registration and a successful application will give you the necessary attestation d'identification du v�hicule (vehicle identification certificate).

For cars corresponding to a model currently or previously on sale in France this is a relatively straightforward procedure whereby a DRIRE inspector checks that the vehicle conforms to the regulations in force either at the time it was brought into circulation or the time it was altered, depending on the case.

You'll be advised as to specific procedures to follow if your car - or three-wheeled kit car - does not come under the category of vehicles registered for sale in France.

When you have all your re-registration documents collected together you take them to the "carte grise" (literally "grey card," but meaning vehicle registration documents) offices at the pr�fecture or sous-pr�fecture.

Your dossier should include the bill of sale for your vehicle, your original registration document, a €30 fiscal stamp (which you buy from a "tabac", or tobacconist, not a post office) and proof of your residence in France.

Remember to photocopy all the paperwork in case anything goes missing.

A tax is payable at the pr�fecture, which is calculated according to the engine power of the vehicle, and this sum varies slightly according to the d�partement in which you live. The engine power rating is not brake horse power but a French scale called "chevaux fiscaux" - under it, a powerful diesel-engined car will cost less than a petrol-engined car with a comparable c.c. figure.

Then you will be delivered a carte grise, (vehicle registration document), and you can finally get your shiny, new French plates made.

Incidentally, on a separate note, beware that if you want to change your motor insurance company, you'll need to give two or even three months notice to cancel your policy.

Re-registering Collector's Vehicles
Collector's vehicles over 25 years old are in a special category and can be re-registered without being taken to the DRIRE. In this case, you need first to put the vehicle through a "contr�le technique" then go to the F�d�ration Fran�aise des V�hicules d'Epoque (French federation of classic cars) where you can obtain a document that enables you to register the vehicle at the pr�fecture as a "v�hicule de collection", or collector's car.

Unless you are specially authorised to do otherwise, you're only allowed to drive a "v�hicule de collection" in the "d�partement" in which it is registered and inadjoining "d�partements".

The d�partements are a rough equivalent of a county or inner-state, and mainland France and Corsica are divided up into 95 of these regional administrations.

For collectors' cars, the eight d�partements making up the Greater Paris region, known as the Ile-de-France, are considered as one.

``xfrance``x``xHow to re-register cars in France ``x1023454703,65081,Essentials``xAs in many matters in France, there are plenty of procedures and paperwork involved``x ``x

The French like their health system. There are no waiting lists and women live longer than in any other OECD state except Japan. With a life expectancy at birth of 82.3 years, they live nearly four years longer than English women. The system is complex but achieves equity, or close to it.

But no system is perfect. The life expectancy of a Frenchman (74.6 years) ranks 14th in the OECD, though it's over a year more than that of an Irishman. And the French are concerned about how to control healthcare spending, which consumes more than nine per cent of GDP, the same proportion as that of Canada, and exceeded only by the US, Switzerland and Germany.

A 1997 Eurobarometer survey showed two-thirds of the French population were fairly satisfied with their healthcare, compared with 40 per cent in the UK. A recent OECD study described the French system as delivering "high-quality services, with freedom of choice and generally no waiting lists for treatments. Access to medical services is equal among the population and people can get the treatment they need irrespective of their social status or work situation."

The mortality rate among Frenchmen had little to do with the health system but was explained by a high incidence of AIDS and violent deaths from suicide and road accidents - tobacco and alcohol also played a role.

The absence of waiting lists in France was examined by Labour TD Liz McManus in a report for a Joint Oireachtas Committee earlier this year. She noted: "France has avoided waiting lists by having overcapacity built into the system." France has above the European average of acute-care beds. Bed-occupancy rates run at around 75 per cent, compared with an average 95 per cent in Dublin's acute hospitals. Surgery is planned under a booking system, in which the patient is given a date for surgery but this may involve a few months' wait.

French healthcare is funded through the social-security system established in the mid-1940s. Workers and employers pay for healthcare through social-insurance contributions. This compulsory social insurance covers 99.5 per cent of the population. The contributions are channelled into 18 social-insurance funds, the largest of which covers four-fifths of the population and are governed by union and employer representatives.

Patients pay GPs and specialists outside hospitals directly, for which they are reimbursed by social security for some but not all of the cost, the remainder being covered by supplementary insurance purchased from private insurers or non-profit mutuelles. In practice, almost all healthcare is covered by insurance. Working households spend an average 20 per cent of their gross income on health. The poorest households do not have to pay fees up front under a universal health-insurance scheme introduced last year. The system is bureaucratic, with administration costs accounting for more than 10 per cent of the funds' outgoings, mostly due to "the refund of endless small sums paid directly to doctors by their patients".

French hospitals can be publicly or privately run. Public-hospital staff have the status of civil servants. Hospital doctors are salaried, with incomes ranging from 295,000 francs (�35,420) to 535,000 francs (�64,235). They may conduct private practice in public hospitals, although it must not exceed 20 per cent of their normal working week. Patients may pay privately for faster access but, given the absence of waiting lists, there is no apparent concern that this causes two-tier access. As there is competition between abundant doctors, the volume of procedures offered and of medicines prescribed is high. France has the world's highest per-capita consumption of pharmaceuticals.

Following three consecutive years in which income from social security failed to match expenditure, causing healthcare to require greater funding from general taxation, the French government decided in 1995 to reform the health system. When fears were provoked for social-security pensions, three weeks of public protest followed and paralysed Paris.

The 1996 Jupp� healthcare reform required amendments to the constitution so that parliament could set targets for spending and reimbursements. As targets have been overrun, since last year the largest health-insurance fund has been required to report to government on targets each four months.

Reproduced with the permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xHealth System in France``x1026174894,34575,Health_and_Family``xThere are no waiting lists and women live longer than in any other OECD state except Japan``x ``x

Three months after quitting Dublin to seek a better quality of life in France, how is it working out?

I loved my work in Dublin. I miss the job a lot. I miss my colleagues and I miss the way I could walk into work and instantly become a brighter, more focused, more purposeful person. And I miss the structure of starting and finishing tasks to immovable deadlines in The Irish Times - I was never one of life's self-starters, and I still see housework as urgent only when I should be writing.

But I'm starting to believe we may be more than a couple of idiots who thought they could beat the system. For one, the telecommunications industry has lived up to its promise. With minimum effort and at a reasonable cost, I can produce entire newspaper pages from my desk and send them down a high-speed phone line to Ireland. For another, it is proving possible to balance home life and work in a sensible, sane manner.

It is three months since we arrived at our white-stone haven in Tarn, near Gaillac, in the south of France, leaving great jobs, supportive families and, much less reluctantly, the Celtic Tiger behind. Even as we made them, our plans to come here sounded, well, idealistic. Sell up the overpriced Dublin home and head south, where the heating bills would be lower; get control of our life as a family, swapping the stress of the daily grind of crechework-sleepcreche for the challenge of a new life and a new language.

Nobody is more surprised than me to find it's working. I haven't regretted our move for one minute.

Starting again like this, we are designing our life as we choose - this amount of family life, that amount of work time, this amount of money. I work evenings and early afternoons, while my two-year-old sleeps, or while she is at playgroup three mornings a week. It takes a bit of planning and discussion, but it is proving a lot easier to combine work and a family than a job and a family.

With bills fewer and lower, I simply don't have to work so hard. Houses here are - to us, anyway - cheap. A four-bedroom house on nine acres costs €190,000. Childcare costs €2 an hour. The house, the car and the new cooker are all paid for: no credit, very novel! And with the south of France outside the door, the rewards for not working are high.

What work is done has to be done well and on time, however - I can't stick my head round the door to apologise for late stories or a misplaced picture - so we need the best communications we can get.

Our equipment is sophisticated, and France Telecom is impressive. It takes a day to get a telephone line, a week to get a high-speed computer line. As well as the household phone lines, we have two mobile phones, a high-speed computer line, two Internet service providers and two satellite television services. I can read Irish newspapers every day; I listen to Marian Finucane and Pat Kenny on RTE Radio 1 in the morning and catch the main news bulletins. .

And all of this living in the countryside, which wasn't part of the plan. A true Dubliner, I never envisaged living without street lighting, 24-hour petrol stations and public sewerage. But this is very tame countryside - rolling hills in a patchwork of vineyards and fields, full of bird life - and it seduced us. It is well populated, too: there are houses within holler in every direction of most homes I know. Also, only as I have lived here for a while have I come to realise how the weather plays a more important role than distance in isolating people. In sunshine, everyone within sight is a neighbour, and we get a lot more sunshine here.

Life has been seductively easy, and I have to admit to a certain amount of survivor guilt after the winter you've had in Ireland. It's not just the better weather, the better infrastructure, the better views; it is also the fact that people are friendly and helpful and that we appear to be interesting to them. I don't know if that's because they are country people, because they are French people or because they are French country people.

If I were asked to pinpoint the biggest difference between Irish society and French society, I would point to the way France is aware of its own nature. We've had fetes, flower marches, classic-car rallies, community omelettes, pan-village tripe breakfasts, and officially organised car boot sales in the surrounding villages in the past week.

Everything attracts funding from the mairie, the local administration. And everyone joins in, because everyone believes these things are important.

I have long believed the French instinctively put people first and let business or foreign interests follow. I see evidence at all levels of life. France is leading the way in reducing working hours in the EU. Before- and after-school care is free in our nearest city. Our hamlet is too small to support a shop, but it has a committee to organise fetes.

As for us, we begin to see the same faces every day. We have a favourite baker, we ask for Paul in the France Telecom office, we have made friends, we know both doctors at the local surgery, we know the names of the staff at the playgroup. This makes me feel a lot more settled.

And my French is, well, perhaps not improving, more stretching. There have been ample opportunities to feel stupid and make daft mistakes, but none so far has proved permanent, and every small success lends me even more confidence.

Reproduced with the permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xWe're doing nicely down here, thank you``x1026175100,12181,Life_Outside_Work``xThree months after quitting Dublin to seek a better quality of life in France, how is it working out?``x ``x

To escape the Irish problems of long working-hours, terrible traffic and expensive childcare, one Dublin couple sold up and moved to south-west France. So how are they - and their two-year-old daughter - managing with language problems, homesickness and the festive season? Very well, thanks, writes journalist Alva MacSherry

We often wonder, where did we get the courage to turn our back on the Celtic Tiger and leave Ireland? But here we are, one year on, getting a bit reflective. The sun has just come out after a month of cloud, we went skiing at the weekend, and Christmas is coming. Life is good.

It'll be our first Christmas in France. I' m trying to get le chef to produce a Proven�al Christmas Eve meal, the Gros Souper - meatless, with all the bounty of the sea and the goodness of the land and, more to the point, with 13 different desserts said to represent Christ and the 12 apostles.

As with any great festival, the French too are mainly planning to celebrate with their stomachs - the country is awash with foie gras, molluscs, fish, meats in sauces, champagne and fine wines. The local supermarkets will be cooking dinner for a lot of people you order your menu from a brochure and collect it on the day. It actually looks inviting.

Meanwhile, the kids in school are singing about pine trees and suchlike the separation of Church and State in France means no nativity plays, no carols, just snowmen and Santie.

No restraints exist on interaction between Church and commerce, of course.

One of the specialities of the religious-ephemera shop in Albi is crib sets from around the world - gorgeous and incredibly expensive. These include santons - traditional Proven�al crib figures including, among others, a village idiot and a wetnurse. Doubtless Baby Jesus would have welcomed them all but (even in France) nobody really thinks there was a French knifegrinder in Bethlehem. During the French revolution, when churches were closed and church cribs inaccessible, these little figures appeared: once everyone had accumulated Mary, Joseph, Jesus and the usual wise men, shepherds and beasts, the manufacturer just kept going.

Our own santons stretched hardly beyond three kings and the Holy Family. We ran out of modelling-foam after one shepherd, alas. Meanwhile, I've been chasing down toys on the Internet, posting off big, brown-paper-wrapped parcels and receiving big, brown-paper-wrapped parcels. Some family traditions remain as usual across the miles - intense discussions about children's clothes sizes, my brother's elaborate flight-plans (Christmas in Dublin, pop down to France, back to London for New Year with his girlfriend), and presents for the cat.

The neighbours have invited Sarah up to decorate their tree and sent down an Advent calendar, but most locals seem more worried about the weather than the season - it's been getting colder and colder. It's minus six this morning. It didn't cost much to heat a two-bedroomed terraced house in Ranelagh, but here there's a knack to staying solvent while keeping warm in our big, stone-walled farmhouse. It seems to involve wood-burning stoves, opening the windows and shutters to follow the sun and never letting the temperature in the house fall below 12 degrees.

Workwise, I'm chasing down seasonal subplots in Fair City and pictures of Dale Winton in a Santie Hat, just like I did last Christmas in Dublin. Even from the south of France, TV supplements must go on.

What a year. I'm flicking back through e-mails received and sent as I write this: my mother saying the Paddy's Day parade was cancelled due to foot-and-mouth so I'm not missing much; various colleagues buying houses, rearing goats, having babies; my whole family arranging to come for Dad's 70th birthday in June; lots of people I've never met congratulating us on our move; voices from the past likewise, the boss arranging training dates for me in August, then a rush of reassurances from friends in New York in September.

It has been an intense experience, with tough patches and wonderful times. It's taken us a year to establish ourselves but we're starting at last to feel the ground under our feet. I am increasingly confident in my French - to the point where I'm using words I didn't know I knew, can chat on the telephone and can lose my temper in the shops - and we're finally starting to remember that everything for miles around is closed on Monday and to buy double rations of bread on Sunday. We've had unique experiences such as helping our friend Daniel to sell wine, sitting around a dinner table talking in three languages, watching the pride our Sarah takes in speaking French. A few times, I've had regrets, but not many. And this Christmas, the feeling that the world is our oyster is as strong as ever.

Back in Ireland everyone we work with - clients, contacts, complete strangers - continues to be wonderful, broadminded and adaptable, and so the teleworking is a complete success. Actually, people seem delighted to see a computer doing something besides lining the pockets of dotcom drones. We have had more work than we'd anticipated, which is just as well since living here is more expensive than expected. We're not as good at modest living as we had hoped to be! Work is vital. Not just for income, but for my sanity. We didn't work in July and while the other two kicked back and relaxed, I chewed the walls.

We'd just moved into our new house and it certainly didn't feel like home; it was hot and I didn't much like weeks and weeks of heat.

I was bored, unmotivated and extremely tetchy, adrift without the adrenaline-fix of daily deadlines. I can't for the life of me remember why the walls didn't get painted and the floors didn't get grouted, but they didn't.

In August, we went back to Ireland and some of it was brilliant. I loved being among my own. I loved fluent conversations and familiar faces and places: I loved having things in common with strangers and going to work every morning.

But gradually, the thrill of using my brain at work, not to mention the satisfaction of having someone else fill my day, gave way all over again to horror at the paucity of choice for young families, the cynicism of the system, the sedentary lifestyle and the disenchantment of the citizens. And the traffic - God, the traffic. And the driving! People in cars in Ireland are horrible to each other - do you realise this?

How could I have been homesick for this? Actually, what I missed is gone. And it's as gone now for everyone still in Dublin as it is for me here in France. God knows how many of us ever believed in the comely maidens dancing at the crossroads, but the new myth we've spun for ourselves, in which identity and prosperity are hopelessly entwined, is a poor substitute even for that.

I caught glimpses of the land of my youth. Like in Galway, with old friends and our offspring on an All-Ireland afternoon, we bathed in the sea and had pints, vegetable soup and toasted sandwiches afterwards looking out across the sun-stroked bay.

It was effortless, timeless, precious. We hadn't seen them in four years, living in Dublin.

It was an instructive month. By the end of August, it was time to go. I was now sure again that I didn't want to be in Dublin, but still unsure about the alternative. By the end of September, I had fallen in love with France all over again.

We came back to the most beautiful autumn you can imagine, weeks and weeks of balmy weather, vines heavy with ripening grapes, new friends who had missed us, and for Sarah (and for me) school, four mornings a week. We had plenty of work, and the house started to feel like home. Gradually, the unremitting delightfulness of it all won my heart.

The urge to be continuously up-beat about life here has been hard to resist.

I gave up a lot and left a lot of people who love us. If I'm having a bad time, I look like a patsey; if I'm having a good time, I'm a pioneer. But in truth, we couldn't have been much luckier in where we've landed up. Our commune here is tiny and rather elderly - about 80 families, I'd guess - and though they'd rather have young French people buying up the houses here, any young family is welcome. Especially those who wish to integrate. We're included in every village event and lavishly praised for our improving French, charming daughter, etc.

School is free, health-care is cheap, social security is high. We've had to set up as the French equivalent of sole traders, which involved paperwork and red tape. In return for running your own business here, you pay higher social security and receive lower benefits - yes, I know that's not fair.

And it may have to change, because farming here can't support the community any longer. Our neighbour, Alain, sweeps a hand across the horizon and says that when he was a boy there were 40 farms here - now there are four.

Maybe there's a future for rural life in what we're doing - and certainly France Telecom, though cursed and lauded in turn in this house, provides a good service in this deepest countryside. The ISDN line may be a bit slow at times, but it was installed within a week of asking.

Our own future is barely more assured than it was when we got here - the progress we have made in establishing the teleworking has been counterbalanced by worries about the world economy. The impact of the downturn is less dramatic in France than in Ireland - the French economy is very inward-looking - but to all intents and purposes we don't work in France, we work in Ireland. And the downturn is expected to hit the local economy, because it will hit wine prices.

My favourite thing about living here: if I had to pick my greatest joy, it's not wine, cheese or 70 different kinds of chocolate in the supermarket, it's not even getting to spend more time with Sarah, or my husband's cooking.

It's not those moments of farce, like when the local hunting club turned up with a gift of a live pheasant to thank us for letting them shoot on our land. It's having time to think.

Not that I shall be avoiding all 70 varieties of chocolate, of course, though it won't make up for not seeing my nieces and nephew, brother and sister, my parents and my in-laws, and I'm sad that they will all miss Sarah's Christmas.

But on Christmas day, we shall get up early and stoke up the stove. We will walk up the hill behind the church with our inherited cat, Gaston, keeping a wary eye out for wild boar, and maybe call on a neighbour. We'll take some pictures of Sarah with her presents in the outfit her granny has sent, and e-mail them to the family gathering in Dublin. On Stephen's Day, we'll drive to the snow with my visiting brother.

We might go out to dinner on New Year's Eve and enjoy the St Sylvestre menu like everyone else in the district.

And on February 2nd, it'll be the anniversary of our arrival. We'll drink a toast to year one and turn to year two of this life.

Reproduced with permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xCelebrating our first Noel``x1026175246,97624,Life_Outside_Work``xTo escape the Irish problems of long working-hours, terrible traffic and expensive childcare, one Dublin couple sold up and moved to south-west France. So how are they - and their two-year-old daughter - managing with language problems, homesickness and the festive season? Very well, thanks, writes journalist Alva MacSherry``x ``x

Weary of a city that has become a grim place for working parents, Irish Times journalist Alva MacSherry explains why she's giving up her job and moving to the south of France to try to regain control of her family life

Life is short and living with the Celtic Tiger grunting past my door has become wearisome. Many of us are prosperous beyond our dreams; many who had given up hope of work have jobs, but I'm not in the business of making money and I'm not happy with the hidden costs of all those BMWs and branches of Next. This Dublin is a stressful, grim place for working parents with small children, particularly where big mortgages mean slim choices.

My small family started 2000 with a string of mishaps. By the time things started to look up after months of struggle, we were well on the way to a decision to change our circumstances.

The upshot of it all is that we're off to the south of France, taking as much of our work with us as we can, in an attempt to get back in control. We're in search of a sensible way to live when you have a young family - a way of life that doesn't revolve around always choosing the lesser of two evils. I'm standing back, for a few years, to spend less time working - and, indeed, to take a good look at my career.

Why the south of France? Alongside reasons such as sunshine, reasonable property prices and good food is the way the French instinctively put people at the centre of their society and they let everything else follow, instead of the opposite.

We love France, and have spent a lot of time there, so we'll save on holidays. There are cheap flights now, so people can come to visit us. And France is a good place for teleworking, too, because the technology is already there to allow us to do this - if we can make it work. The availability of the Internet and its allies is the key: we're not independently wealthy, and we're not planning to raise organic pedigree goats. We're going to be working as much as possible from home, as journalists, in English. There is a France Telecom advert that can be paraphrased as "work is where you're at" and we're taking them at their word - reasoning that if you can work from home in Ranelagh then you could telecommute from Ennis. And if you don't have any particular reason to be in Ennis, wouldn't you be as well off doing the same thing from France?

Some 95 per cent of French homes have immediate access to ISDN lines, which are necessary for any kind of serious attempt at teleworking. The lines for the next generation, ADSL, which is faster and more aggressive, are being installed now, all over France.

Leaving Dublin will be a wrench; I did it before, in the 1980s, so I know. Then, unlike now, I didn't have to give up a job to go, but we're not doing particularly well out of the Celtic Tiger - we're the wrong generation. We're The Young Europeans - remember us? - not Celtic Cubs. A burgeoning cafe culture is all very well if you're 23, but its benefits to people who above all need to be with their children are limited. To be honest, I grew up in another Ireland, and it wasn't this one I chose to come home to. When I came back from England in 1990 it was to unclogged roads, easy access to the countryside, to a place where a modest enough wage could buy you a great quality of life. It was a place in which shop assistants were not reflexively rude, where our gladiatorial attitude to driving didn't matter so much because there were fewer cars on the road, where people didn't think quite so much about money, worrying that they were missing out or falling behind. Where there wasn't always a little edge of fear about when the good times would end. Of course, my own life was different then. I was in my 20s, not my 30s. I wasn't trying to combine a job and a family. Back then, I was falling in love and getting married, building a career and doing up a house. (Just as well, since it's the sale of the house and the technological know-how of my husband that are making the move possible.)

Not everyone could do what we are doing: to get this far we have made a large investment in computer equipment and have had considerable support from our employers, colleagues and families. We are taking a chance. But it is a calculated one and, if it pays off, the rewards in terms of quality of life will be impressive.

The biggest wrench, of course, is leaving those families, friends and colleagues, without whom we'd never have survived even this long. We're banking on them coming to us, hoping for a constant stream of visitors (no, really!). And we're The Young Europeans. We're mobile. The EU wants us to be able to work anywhere. . .

So we're choosing to live near Toulouse, in a part of France with easy access to several airports and autoroutes. The idea is that we'll still spend a portion of time in Dublin.

In France, we've rented a white-stone house surrounded by oak trees and vineyards, on the edge of a village with two bakeries and a pharmacy, set on a hill in pretty countryside. I'm hoping that what Sarah loses by not being in daily contact with our families, she will gain by having more time with less-hassled parents. And we will remain in daily contact with our families, interspersed with times when we can sit together in the sun and talk and talk at length.

Life is short. The new century brought us a broken leg, then a broken arm, then the near-death of a close friend who also minded Sarah for us. The turmoil these events brought to a household with two full-time working parents was considerable. But as every working parent knows, it is the small choices that wear you down - is she too sick for me to leave her?; if I spend an extra 10 minutes at work will she be too tired to eat by the time her dinner is ready?; is that cold gone, or do we keep her in another day and lose another Saturday in the park, another Sunday swim?

And life has too many good things to offer to turn our back on them even for the few years while our children are tiny. In a rich world, we can choose to be a little less wealthy. (Nonetheless: competent journalist, specialises in sub-editing, ever-firmer grasp of French, seeks work over Internet.) Moving country in the new millennium is an adventure, not a life-sentence. Taking life seriously can mean taking chances.

Watch this space.

Reproduced with the permission of the Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xIt's au revoir to the grunting Tiger``x1026175341,43701,Life_Outside_Work``xWeary of a city that has become a grim place for working parents, Irish Times journalist Alva MacSherry explains why she's giving up her job and moving to the south of France to try to regain control of her family life``x ``x

We moved to France to break out of the creche-home-sleepcreche cycle, writes former Irish Times sub-editor Alva MacSherry

My big fear in uprooting Sarah, our nearly-two-year-old daughter, from Ireland and bringing her to the south of France was that she would miss her family dreadfully or even completely forget them.

While she hasn't forgotten anyone - I keep sitting her down with the photos and demanding the names of key people - she does indeed miss them, hugely.

When we first arrived, she refused to talk at all about the people we left behind. She would look into the middle distance as I asked if she missed Grandad or her friend Lizzy. I persisted, explaining they were still there and that they could come in a plane to see her. My husband and I talked about them a lot in front of her, too. She came round gradually, and now talks away about where they are, what time they go to sleep, how much they love her . . .

Sarah does realise she is in a different country, and she loves her new home - the sun shines three days in four, we have a huge garden with a squirrel, jays, a hawk and lately a cuckoo, and she gets to be with us almost more than she wants! When we ask if she'd rather be here or in her old house, she opts for here.

For my part, I hate that people who love her dearly are missing out on seeing her grow. It is only three months since we left Ireland. She was 20 months old when we arrived and in these months she has gone from single words to full sentences, and with nobody but us here to coo. And Sarah's not much on the telephone.

Still, at least we are getting to see her grow. That's why we came, to break out of the creche-homesleep-creche cycle. Faced with the prospect of missing her infant years while we slogged away paying childcare and the mortgage, we went looking for other options.

The plan (and for now at least it is working) is to weave our work around our family life. If it is quiet, we work in Sarah's down-time - when she is in playgroup, when she sleeps in the afternoon and after she's in bed at night. If necessary, one of us will work while the other looks after her. We are both journalists, and we can do a surprising variety of jobs without visiting an office every day.

As I type, Sarah is asleep in her cot. An entire newspaper supplement is hurtling down an ISDN line to Dublin on the No 1 computer, beside me.

The day went like this: I worked in the early hours during a convenient bout of insomnia, and again this morning while Sarah was in playgroup; after lunch my husband had a French lesson while Sarah slept and I did housework; then we all visited some friends for an aperitif; we ate out on the way home, then drove round to the local leisure park to check out the lake for sailing next weekend; we started work again at 9 p.m. after the child went to bed.

It was a hugely satisfying day: a lot of work got done, no time got wasted, and nobody got stressed about traffic.

Playgroup costs €2 (US$") an hour. I spend €15 to €20 per week on good, child-centred care, three mornings a week. In Dublin I spent €115 a week on childcare - I paid for a full week even though I used just two-and-a-half days.

Yes, Sarah is missing out on the company of her family. But we have a big house, and the south of France isn't quite Serbia, so we hope they will come to stay in great numbers.

On balance, we feel we have made a good choice.

Reproduced with the permission of the Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xJust Irish family life in the south of France``x1026175491,70221,Health_and_Family``xMy big fear in uprooting Sarah, our nearly-two-year-old daughter, from Ireland and bringing her to the south of France was that she would miss her family dreadfully or even completely forget them``x ``x

Alva MacSherry tells all about her family's move to France

It is not possible to put a price on your dreams but if you are setting out to turn them into reality it helps to have a budget and to be able to stick to it.

Lots of people ask how much the move to France has cost us. Some want to know whether we plunged ourselves into poverty for posterity, while others just want to know if they might manage the same thing.

So let's emphasise from the outset that the change was made possible by Dublin's elevated property market, which allowed us to come here with Lotto-figure amounts of cash. The house in France will be paid for outright.

With no mortgage to pay and fewer monthly outgoings, we can live on the more modest income we now earn tele-working.

The second part of the equation was good jobs and good records in Dublin newspapers, and colleagues who continue to employ us on a freelance basis even though we now live a day's journey away.

We bought our first home, in Ranelagh, Dublin 6, in 1995 for �124,000 (€158,000) - we thought we'd be penniless forever after.

When we sold it five years later, paid off the mortgage, the estate agent, the lawyer and everyone else, and added in some savings, we were left with more than €254,000. The gift horse was waiting at the door.

Houses: We sold our house in Dublin for more than €381,000 (in October 2000). It cost us about €10,000 to sell, between estate agents and lawyers.

We are about to buy a fourbedroom farmhouse on nine acres in France for €184,000, including notaire's fees of €10,800 - which includes the French equivalent of stamp duty. (By the by, I see that for the same sum in the Republic we could buy a nice-looking, four-bedroom, farmhouse-style home on an estate in Longford, "within commuting distance of Dublin".) We bought privately and did not employ an estate agent, which would have added another €10,000.

We pay two taxes on our new home - tax d'habitation and tax fonciere - they cover services such as sewerage and street lighting.

Since we have neither of the last two, the cost for us is low. Both taxes are determined by the location and size of our house (2,200 sq. feet). The total for the two taxes is less than €1,000 a year.

Work: Last year, in Dublin, our combined income was more than €89,000. We expect to earn about €23,000 this year, working between France and Dublin. However, France has no form of PAYE (income tax); the head of the household makes an annual return for the family's total income. It is perhaps not surprising that one third of French households declare a taxable income of €17,800 - or close to the threshold of income tax liability. Social security and social insurance payments are high - about 26 per cent. But we don't fall into the net until the end of next year.

We have spent €19,000 on computer equipment. The computers are our cash cows, our money machines, our future in tele-working. I write, and in the future I will sub-edit, from here, and my husband edits supplements for the Republic's biggest Sunday newspaper. We did not skimp.

Childcare: After the mortgage, our biggest single expenditure in Dublin was childcare, at about €630 a month. I had to pay for a full place in a creche, even though I used it just 2-1/2 days a week.

Here, playgroup three mornings or afternoons a week costs €2 an hour. My monthly bill is about €75. In September, if we wish, we can send Sarah into the state education system for free. The local school is good; I may think three is a bit young to start, but the option is there.

Sadly, I have to pay for babysitters now, instead of press-ganging my teenage inlaws. The babysitter costs€5 an hour.

Moving costs: The move cost us about €7,620: €5,700 went to our removal company; we shipped a dinghy and a second car in the lorry with our possessions; and the rest went on fares, accommodation and smaller stuff such as boxes. A good-quality cardboard box costs about €6.50.

Car and transport: We took a bit of a financial hit on our Irish car, a one-year-old Passat estate.

We sold it back to the VW dealer in Dublin at about €2,500 less than we may have been able to sell it for ourselves - had we been around to do so.

On the other hand, we bought a new car here, a Renault Espace, for €28,000. The same car in Dublin would have cost us an additional �17,800.

French car insurance costs less. Our Renault is a comparatively expensive model to insure and we also have a classic Porsche. Our total car insurance bill in the Republic was €1,800. Here it's €1,100. As an added bonus, annual road tax was abolished in France just last year, saving us another €500.

Petrol, on the other hand, is more expensive in France than in the Republic - currently €1.02 a litre. Diesel is considerably cheaper (76 cents a litre). So we bought a diesel car and a tank lasts forever, which is just as well since France is a big country.

Services: We expect our electricity bills to increase slightly because electricity here is expensive (why, when France has nuclear power?) and our house won't be vacant for half the day. And what we expect to save on central heating will be consumed by the swimming pool!

We have to pay for water here, and as yet we have no idea how much we use as a family.

Shopping: Ah, the food, the drink. We spend more on wine than we used to! But not a fortune, nonetheless - but because it's cheap (Mas D'Aurel, Gaillac, €3.56), we drink it every day. It's important to support the local economy.

Our weekly grocery bill, including nappies, is about €120. That's a little more than we spent in the Republic, but it feeds all three of us for three meals a day. We easily save €120 a week on lunches, takeaway pizzas and the like.

Entertainment: We spent €7,618,000 to €12,500 a year on holidays in the past few years, mostly in France. We expect this year to spend about €2,500,000 on tax-deductible trips to Dublin, and to earn that amount while we're there.

Communications: The real cost. Phone and mobile bills are about €250 a month, and climbing. We pay €38 to our Internet providers, and €25 a month to France Telecom for the ISDN line. It's not hard to justify these costs because what they save us is time - the real saving. Living in the inner suburbs of Dublin, we had a blessedly short commute - half an hour each. At least until you added in the creche. Although it was only a mile from my husband's work, and he was travelling after 9 a.m., it stretched his journey from Ranelagh to Terenure by 30 minutes on a good day, 50 on a bad day. Between us, we save 20 hours of commuting time a week by working from home. Estimate the cost of our time at €50 an hour and that's over €1,000 a week.

But it's not about the money. It's about the time. It's about control.

It's about working our work time so that time-wasting is minimised - and the time we save on commuting, worrying and rearranging schedules under pressure, we invest in an interesting, challenging daily life.

Alva MacSherry
Reproduced with the permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xMaking the French connection``x1026176215,4762,Essentials``xAlva MacSherry tells all about her family's move to France``x ``x

The pride of France, the world's largest and possibly most beautiful museum, is out of control, a report by French government auditors has warned. More than a quarter of the Louvre's collection of some 400,000 objects is closed to the public daily because staff take up to four hours in coffee breaks. Poor security is aggravated by the absence of a comprehensive inventory of the museum's treasures.

These alarming conclusions are contained in a 10-page segment of the annual report which the Cour des Comptes will send to President Jacques Chirac at the end of this month.

Much of its contents were leaked to Le Figaro yesterday. In its editorial, the right-wing newspaper suggested the Louvre has become "a fantastical cultural construction, maintained by national pride and the vanity of politicians". The ill-functioning museum is "a symptom of the French illness," the editorialist Armel le H�liot wrote. "We think big, very big. We invest millions of francs . . . in pharaonic projects to show off the building and its precious collections."

The writer Michel Braudeau has described the Louvre, with its 60,000 square metres of floor space, as "this immense splendour of worked stone, whose galleries and colonnades unfold along the edge of a slow river". It became the site of a royal palace during the Crusades, and was restored as the "Grand Louvre" during Francois Mitterrand's 14-year rule. Mitterrand wrested the Napoleon wing from the Ministry of Finance and installed a glass pyramid designed by I.M. Pei in the main courtyard.

The museum's outgoing director, Mr Pierre Rosenberg, and his successor, Mr Henri Loyrette, may welcome the report. For it identifies their single greatest problem: 60 per cent of the Louvre's 1,900 employees do not fall under their authority. As civil servants employed by the otherwise occupied Ministry of Culture, curators, security guards and receptionists do what they want to.

Because of strikes related to negotiations enacting a 35-hour working week, and an unwritten rule that says employees in contact with the public are entitled to a half-hour break for every half-hour they work - not counting meal times - more than a quarter of the museum was closed to visitors at any given time last year. "You want to see Vermeer or Rembrandt?" Le Figaro noted. "Don't show up on Monday or Saturday! You want to see oriental antiquities? Don't venture there on Friday or Sunday!"

To make matters worse for the Louvre's director, the R�union des Mus�es Nationaux creamed off €9.15 million of the museum's earnings last year, to redistribute it - �galit� oblige - to poorer museums elsewhere in France.

Some of this was returned to the Louvre in the form of acquisitions, publications, exhibitions and guided tours, but the two parties disagree on the amount.

Anecdotes in the auditors' report show the devastating effects on security. The Louvre's director fired the chief of security when a masterpiece by the 19th-century painter Jean Baptiste Camille Corot was stolen in broad daylight in May 1998. It took the Ministry of Culture seven months to confirm the dismissal, during which the fallen security chief received salary and bonuses. He then continued inhabiting an apartment inside the Louvre, rent-free, until October 2000.

This is not the first time the Louvre has seen chaos. Henri IV began lodging painters there at the end of the 16th century. By the reign of Louis XV, careless artists had started countless fire and floods in the palace. Its courtyards were filled with shops, bars and prostitutes. When Napoleon decided to make the Louvre a showcase for the art he pillaged all over Europe, it took him 15 years to clean the place up.

Lara Marlowe, Paris, Jan 18, 02
Reproduced with permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xThe Louvre lacks a comprehensive inventory``x1026176324,98301,People_and_Culture``xThe pride of France, the world's largest and possibly most beautiful museum, is out of control, a report by French government auditors has warned``x ``x

One of the greatest Impressionists was a woman - but Berthe Morisot received little recognition. Now an exhibition rights the wrong.

Berthe Morisot, the first female Impressionist painter, seemed to lead a charmed life. Born into a grand bourgeois family in 1841, she grew up in the stylish Paris neighbourhood of Passy. At 12 years old, she and her sister, Edma, began private art lessons and later studied for two years with realist master Jean-Baptiste Corot. When Morisot was only 23, she and Edma exhibited for the first time at the official Salon. Their father indulged his talented daughters, building a studio for them in the garden.

Above all, Edma and Berthe's mother, Marie-Cornelie, wanted them to find suitable husbands. Auguste Renoir, who was born in the same year as Morisot and who was, along with Claude Monet, Edgar Degas and the poet,St�phane Mallarm�, one of her closest friends, said she came "from the most austerely bourgeois milieu ever, at a time when a child who wanted to be a painter wasn't far from being considered the dishonour of the family".

Edma's fine portrait of Berthe at her easel in 1865 shows what talent the elder Morisot had. But Edma gave up painting to marry a naval officer. Perhaps frightened by her sister's regrets, Berthe Morisot rejected suitor after suitor. "I will only obtain my independence through perseverance and by showing very openly my intention to emancipate myself," she wrote to Edma in 1871.

Morisot was such a perfectionist that she destroyed most of her early works. Though the surviving paintings are as wonderful as any by her male contemporaries, the misogyny of art historians long deprived her of the recognition she deserved. The last Morisot exhibition in France was held in 1961. Now the Palais des Beaux-Arts in Lille has righted the wrong, by displaying 90 of Morisot's finest paintings until June, after which they will move to the Fondation Giannadda, in Martigny, Switzerland, until November 19th. Many are on loan from museums and private collections in the US and have not been seen in Europe for more than a century.

This is an exquisite exhibition, consolation for those who missed the Impressionists at the National Gallery in Dublin and a delightful encore for those who saw it. Morisot's Young woman dressing up, seen from the back was owned by US Impressionist Mary Cassat, who was a friend of hers. It shows one of Morisot's favourite themes: an elegant woman in a beautiful dress before a mirror, amid a swirl of flowers and Degas-like colours.

Morisot said her goal in painting was "to capture something as it passes". It could be anything, she elaborated, "the smallest thing . . . a smile, a flower, a fruit, the branch of a tree . . ." Young woman in a ball dress was the only Morisot painting bought by the French state before her death in 1895. The blonde model in her d�collett� dress has charm, but no emotional charge. "Everything floats, nothing is formulated," the critic Paul Mantz wrote when he saw Young woman at the fifth Impressionist exhibition in 1880. "Even the tone is indecisive, and there is a finesse like that found in Fragonard . . ."

Did Mantz know that Morisot was the great grand-niece of that 18th-century painter? When Morisot completed View of Paris from the Trocadero, she fretted that it resembled a painting by her close friend - possibly lover - Edouard Manet. Although it was painted in the year of the Paris Commune, there is no trace of destruction in the bucolic scene. The familiar landmarks of Les Invalides and the Pantheon form the backdrop behind two elegant ladies and a child.

Morisot painted the intimate, feminine world of women and children which she knew. With the exception of her late self- portraits, showing her as a careworn, grey-haired woman, her canvases betrayed nothing of her inner mystery and turmoil.

Paintings such as Summer Day, showing two women with straw hats and parasols boating in the Bois de Boulogne, strengthen the image of an idyllic life.

Biographers suspect Morisot pined for Edouard Manet. Yet she defied his advice and participated in the first Impressionist exhibition in 1874. (Manet himself chose never to exhibit with the group.) She showed nine paintings, including The Cradle, still her most famous work. Until Mary Cassat joined them in 1879, Morisot was the only woman in the movement, and was regarded by her male colleagues as an equal.

Art critics of the time described her as the only true Impressionist. Albert Wolff wrote in Le Figaro in April, 1876: "There is also a woman in the group . . . and she's curious to watch. She manages to maintain female grace in the midst of the excesses of a delirious mind." Morisot's husband, Eugene, was so angry that he challenged Wolff to a duel.

The Morisot sisters had spent most of the 1860s copying masterpieces in the Louvre, a normal pastime for artists of the day. Although Berthe noticed the handsome blond painter, Edouard Manet, as early as 1860, eight years passed before she was formally introduced to him. Manet earned a scandalous reputation with the nudes in Olympia and D�jeuner sur l'herbe, and when he asked Morisot to pose for him - fully clothed - her mother went with her to his studio.

Manet painted 14 portraits of Morisot in six years. That he kept seven of them showed his attachment to the intelligent, wild-looking young woman with dark hair and eyes. Poet Paul Val�ry, a nephew of Morisot's by marriage, said the stunning Berthe Morisot with a bouquet of violets was Manet's finest work. Manet painted a smaller canvas showing only the violets pinned to Berthe's bosom, with the words, "To Mademoiselle Berthe Morisot . . ." written on the card beside them. Morisot kept the painting her whole life, and tried to buy two of Manet's portraits of her after he died in 1883.

Were Manet and Morisot lovers? The question is one of the great mysteries of art history. Morisot never spoke of her many sittings for the married painter, and in 1874, she married his brother, Eugene. The day after Edouard died of syphilis, Berthe wrote to Edma: "Add to these almost physical emotions the long friendship that tied me to Edouard, our shared past made up of youth and work, that has disintegrated, and you will understand that I am broken." Morisot said she would never forget "the old days of friendship and intimacy with him, when I posed for him and his lively mind kept me alert for long hours".

Eugene Manet did not have his brother's charm or talent, but he devoted himself totally to his wife's career. Their only child, Julie, was born in 1879. Morisot described her as "a Manet to the tip of her fingers". Her daughter was the greatest love of her life, and one of her favourite models. "I look sad in this graceful portrait," Julie wrote in her diary in 1894, describing one of her mother's last paintings. Eugene Manet had died two years earlier. "In Mama's last works, there is often an impression of sadness. Ah, she was so sad, so unhappy."

Lara Marlowe in Lille, May 04 2002
Reproduced with permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xLasting impression``x1026176427,8581,People_and_Culture``xOne of the greatest Impressionists was a woman - but Berthe Morisot received little recognition. Now an exhibition rights the wrong.``x ``x

The Franco-Algerian war has been a taboo subject in France for much of the past 40 years. Now the truth about the rape, torture and other atrocities is coming out, writes Lara Marlowe.

France will not observe the 40th anniversary of the end of the Franco-Algerian war. A draft law proposed in the National Assembly in January would have recognised March 19th - the day of the final ceasefire - as a "day of memory". But Jacques Floch, the minister for war veterans, was accused of treason when he spoke in favour of the motion. The left-wing ministers who had proposed the commemoration abandoned it as too divisive.

The 1954-1962 conflict was a colonial war and two civil wars - between French and French, Algerians and Algerians - all wrapped into one. For the seven and a half years that it lasted, Paris preferred the euphemism of "maintaining order". The National Assembly did not recognise it as a "state of war" until October 1999.

For four decades, the conflict has been mythologised, distorted and obfuscated. The National Liberation Front (FLN) took over the country with the massacre of tens of thousands of harkis - Algerian Muslims who fought with the French - as well as the elimination of all internal opposition. The FLN proclaimed Algeria "the country of a million and a half martyrs", but historians believe the real number of Algerian lives lost was about 250,000. Of the 1.3 million French soldiers who fought in Algeria, 25,000 were killed. A whole generation of Frenchman, including President Jacques Chirac, fought in Algeria. Few ever talk about it.

In the past two years, the taboos have broken. First there was the startling testimony in Le Monde, in June 2000, by Louisette Ighilahriz, an FLN fighter who was tortured by French paratroopers in Algiers after she was shot and captured in 1957. "They couldn't rape me; I was too disgusting!" Ighilahriz recounted. "But they stuck all sorts of objects in my vagina."

Then Mohammed Garne, conceived when his mother Kheira was gang-raped by French soldiers at the age of 14 in 1959, won his lawsuit against the French state. Authorities last year admitted that Garne suffered birth defects from the beatings the soldiers inflicted on Kheira in the hope she would abort. After more than a decade of court battles, Garne was awarded a pension of €144 a month.

At the same time, Gen Paul Aussaresses, who ran a death squad under the orders of Gen Jacques Massu during the Battle of Algiers, went on trial for justifying war crimes in his book, Special Services, Algeria 1955-1957, published in May 2001. Gen Aussaresses, now 84, admitted to personally torturing and executing hundreds of Algerian prisoners. In January, he was convicted and fined €7,500.

Meanwhile, the film-maker, Patrick Rotman, was completing his four-hour documentary, The Intimate Enemy; Violence in the Algerian War, which was broadcast to wide acclaim this month by France 3. Rotman searched archives for unseen film and interviewed dozens of veterans who admit to having seen or practised torture, rape and summary executions. Men in their 60s - including Jean Faure, the vice president of the French Senate - wept openly as they recounted secrets they'd kept their whole adult lives.

Although Rotman's film is a shocking indictment of both Algerian and French atrocities, it is also what he calls "a collective questioning" of human nature. How was it that ordinary young Frenchmen, most of whom had done their Catechism and learned the classics, became war criminals in Algeria? Rotman's witnesses venture explanations - racism, peer pressure, the abuse of alcohol, anger and the desire for revenge. Most disturbing is a former soldier's mention of "a form of pleasure - doing whatever you want to a body, fulfilling your most perverse and deep desires".

Unlike other colonies, Algeria was considered an integral part of France. The Cr�mieux decree of 1870 made all Jewish Algerians citizens of France, but the Muslim majority were doomed to remain impoverished outcasts in their own country, cannon-fodder for two world wars. In 1947, a feeble attempt to create a two-house assembly in which 900,000 "Frenchmen of European Origin" would have elected 60 representatives and eight million "French Muslims" 60 others, failed because the pieds-noirs (European settlers) opposed it. In the coming conflict, they would die in approximately the same proportion - 10 Muslims to every European.

The insurrection started on November 1st, 1954. The guerrillas massacred their own people, as well as Europeans, to force the population to support them. From the beginning, the line between civilians and combatants was blurred.

The former Captain Pierre Alban Thomas says in Rotman's film that Colonel Bigeard's communiques "said he'd shot dead 24 fellagas (fighters). We knew it wasn't 24 fighters, but 24 fellahs - that is to say 24 peasants, shepherds who gave the rebels information" . French soldiers justified their own behaviour by the atrocities of the FLN, including the ambush, mutilation and killing of 19 French troops in the Palestro Gorge.

Second Lt G�rard Couteau's unit was called to an Arab farm in the summer of 1955. "We found the whole family massacred, and I have an image that stayed with me my whole life: there was a three-month-old baby. They had smashed his head against the wall. His brains stayed stuck on the wall. Afterwards, I told myself: you can't have pity on such people."

The documentary includes horrific black-and-white photos of slashed throats - the famous "Kabyle smile" - and mutilated bodies. Images of the massacre by the FLN of 300 Arab villagers loyal to a rival group at Melouza in 1957 are nearly identical to the slaughter of the past decade, in the war between Islamist rebels and Algeria's present military regime.

The French "pacification" of the rebellion was savage. Perhaps the most shocking scenes of Rotman's documentary are French soldiers in Ain Abid, pulling down a tent and shooting the Arab who emerges point blank, gunning down Algerians who try to flee. That the French committed these summary executions in front of a movie camera shows how little compunction they had. In retaliation for the FLN murdering dozens of Europeans in Philippeville, Gen Aussaresses, then a captain, ordered hundreds of Algerians to be machine-gunned in the city's stadium. He admits responsibility for 200 deaths; others claim 1,200 were killed that day.

Two government reports officially recognised the widespread use of torture in the 1950s. Gen Massu drafted a secret order in March, 1957, in which he wrote that "the sine qua non of our action in Algeria is that these methods be recognised, in our souls and consciences, as necessary and morally valid". The argument, invariably, was that torture obtained information that thwarted attacks, thus saving lives. A general and two high-ranking civilian officials resigned in protest, but torture continued. Gen de Gaulle promised he would end the practice when he returned to power in 1958; it was merely done more discreetly.

The French military tortured mainly with electricity - electrodes attached to the ears, armpits, sexual organs and toes. Prisoners were hung on poles, from the ceiling, or bound to metal chairs or tables that conducted current. Sometimes children were tortured to make their parents talk, or vice versa. Dirty liquid was forced down prisoners' throats through a funnel until their stomach swelled like balloons. One of Rotman's witnesses tells of rows of prisoners left to bake in the sun. "The light burns their retinas so they keep their eyes shut. From their swollen, deformed lips with bleeding blisters hang whitish tongues, which have long lost all trace of moisture. Flies buzz around them, go into their eyes, flock around their mouths, enter their nostrils or agglutinate on oozing wounds, where the metal rings hold their ankles."

Talking did not bring salvation. The murder of torture victims was called the corv�e de bois. "It's a guy you've interrogated who you want to liquidate," Jacques Z�o, a volunteer in Algeria, told Rotman. "So you tell him he can leave and you shoot and kill him. It's cleaner than killing him under torture. Anyway, there's no hope for him. Someone who's been interrogated, even if he doesn't talk, if you let him go without killing him, the FLN will kill him."

Rachid Abdelli, an Algerian who joined the harkis at the age of 16, is one of several veterans who recount the rape of Algerian girls by French troops and their Algerian allies. One day in a village, Abdelli climbed on a roof and saw a half-dozen soldiers, French and harkis combined, gang-raping a young girl. The girl opened her eyes and saw Abdelli. "She saw that I had a child's face - I was 17 - and she screamed, 'Please, you, do something!' I turned and left. What could I do? Tell them to stop? Shoot at them? They were my buddies. Tell my officer? He shut his eyes. Everyone shut their eyes."

After the March 19th, 1962, ceasefire, Abdelli was caught by the FLN and tortured in turn. He should have realised, he says bitterly of the French military, "that people who kill an unarmed, wounded man would abandon us . . . I became a harki because I couldn't bear seeing the FLN slash people's throats.

"I found myself in the French army where they finished off the wounded, where they tortured, where they raped women. It was the same thing."

Lara Marlowe in Paris, March 2002
Reproduced with the permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``xs``xBreaking silence``x1026176535,35653,People_and_Culture``xThe Franco-Algerian war has been a taboo subject in France for much of the past 40 years. Now the truth about the atrocities is coming out, writes Lara Marlowe``x ``x

Le Monde, France's journal of record, was nearly bankrupt when Jean-Marie Colombani became director in 1994. "Everyone said we'd be taken over, that we'd have to cut staff, spending and pages," Mr Colombani says, recalling the paper's dark days . "There were no savings left; we were running up a 100 million francs deficit (€15.24m) on an annual turnover of around one billion francs."

Today, the Le Monde group has more than doubled its turnover to €381.12 million. Circulation has risen from 300,000 to over 400,000. Staff too have doubled, from 1,200 in 1994 to 2,500 at present; the number of journalists increased from 220 to 350. The group made record profits of €25.92 million in 2000.

Like other French newspapers, it now faces what Mr Colombani calls "the hurdle of 2001 and 2002". A €30.43 million shortfall in projected advertising revenue, combined with spending on a third rotary press and a new lay-out to be unveiled in January, mean earnings this year will be a modest €6.10 million. But Mr Colombani's strategy of raising outside capital to develop and diversify the group - all the while maintaining editorial independence - has paid off. Le Monde is faring better than other national media in the advertising drought. Over the next two years, Mr Colombani intends to raise €100 million by floating 25 per cent of the company on the Paris Bourse.

Mr Colombani was a political journalist until he took over in 1994, but he says he'd spent a decade planning the newspaper's recovery. Le Monde was still 80 per cent owned by its employees and descendants of the newspaper's founders when he took the revolutionary step of selling shares to an array of French and European banks, businesses and media companies.

"We escaped the fate that everyone predicted for us," he says. "Not only were we not taken over, but we recovered on our own, and became more independent. Instead of reducing steam in 1994-1995, I did the opposite. We didn't cut staff or the number of pages; we saved the paper by launching a new lay-out.

"Initially it dug the deficit deeper, but sales took off and the following year the advertising came back. It was only once we'd got the paper moving, once our house was in order, that we cut back on spending and restructured - in 1996, when we were breaking even, not in 1994 or 1995."

Outside shareholders - none of whom owns more than 3 per cent of the capital - brought €33.54 million to the newspaper, of which €11.74 million had to be reimbursed within five years.

"If not, the debt was to be automatically transformed into shares, and the outsiders could have taken over," explains Mr Michel Noblecourt, who heads the Soci�t� civile les R�dacteurs du Monde (SRM), the journalists' group that owns nearly one third of the newspaper.

"It was a daring thing to do. The paper was in such desperate shape that we journalists had no choice. But there were safety nets: internal shareholders still had a 52 per cent majority, and the SRM kept its minorit� de blocage."

This veto power used to require a threshold of 33 per cent ownership. But the journalists' share in Le Monde has diminished in repeated financial operations since 1994. To avoid forcing the SRM to buy shares each time capital is raised, new statutes approved this month permanently enshrine the journalists' power within the paper, whatever their percentage of ownership.

"Our veto is engraved in stone," Mr Noblecourt says. "We cannot be eaten up; we cannot be taken over."

Although the SRM has lost the right to nominate the paper's director, it can veto anyone chosen by the 14-member board, on which it has two seats.

For the time being, the director's job is not an issue. As the newspaper's saviour, Mr Colombani is a popular figure, recently re-elected by 76 per cent of the journalists and the entire board to a second term that will end in 2008, when he is 60.

But privately, some of Le Monde's old guard have reservations about the stock market flotation and the paper's expansion. The Le Monde group now includes more than 10 publications, including the Cahiers du Cinema and Courrier International, and Le Monde is about to increase its participation in the Montpellier-based Midi libre from 38 per cent to 51 per cent.

Half of Le Monde's revenue now comes from diversification. Mr Colombani won't reveal which other regional newspapers he has in his sights, but he says the drop in advertising this year vindicated his strategy.

"The regional press is much more predictable," he says. "They didn't speed up in 2000, and they hardly slowed down in 2001 - it's a good stabiliser."

Mr Colombani jokes that those who accuse him of empire-building suffer from anti-Corsican prejudice. He has no qualms about taking advantage of the capitalist system for the benefit of the newspaper.

"To finance our development, there's the Bourse. Why should we deprive ourself of this instrument, which is normal and natural in a market economy?"

Le Monde's independence is, Mr Colombani says, "our motto, our obsession and our greatest asset". But independence from French political and economic interests can only be guaranteed through healthy finances, he argues. The paper's statutes will prevent those who buy shares on the Bourse from intervening.

"The balance of power is frozen," he explains. "New shareholders will have no vote, no representation in the management." A half dozen administrators - the chairmen of companies who are already shareholders - fulfill that role, he says.

"They've been involved with the paper for eight years. If they wanted to question its independence, we'd know it by now."

Independence was the by-word of Hubert Beuve-M�ry , the courageous journalist who was Le Monde's first director from 1944 until he retired in 1969.

It was Beuve-M�ry who created the SRM in December 1951, giving the newspaper's journalists 40 per cent of the capital to thank them for siding with him in a battle to preserve editorial neutrality vis-a-vis NATO and the US.

Although the satirical magazine, Le Canard encha�n�, and Lib�ration , the left-wing daily newspaper, are also partly owned by employees, the influence enjoyed by Le Monde's journalists is unique in French journalism - and probably in the world.

"Beuve-M�ry wanted Le Monde to be the journal of reference for left and right alike," says Prof Patrick Eveno, of the Sorbonne, who has written two books on the history of the newspaper.

"He wanted to let both right and left express themselves, and he treated readers as adults."

The 1954-1962 Algerian war "made Le Monde", Prof Eveno says. Circulation shot up when Beuve-M�ry began criticising French government policy in north Africa. His essay against torture became a classic of French journalism, and today Beuve-M�ry's old pedestal desk sits in a corner of the assembly hall on the sixth floor of the soulless, modern building the newspaper rents at the southern edge of the 5th arrondissement.

Aside from a gilded antique clock in Mr Colombani's office, there is nothing else in the stark interior to remind you of the paper's illustrious reputation.

Pre-fabricated panels between offices cannot be moved for fear of asbestos contamination. In the corridors, old posters demand justice for the Mumia Abu Jamal and promote the switch to the euro. Le Monde had to sell its original home, in the Rue des Italiens, during a financial crisis in the 1980s.

President Francois Mitterrand had turned on the paper because it revealed, among other scandals, that his "security cell" at the Elys�e framed several Irish people living in Vincennes. Mr Mitterrand persuaded the chairman of the Banque Nationale de Paris to stop paying journalists' salaries. That led to the creation of the Soci�t� des lecteurs du Monde in 1985.

Nearly 12,000 readers still own 10.4 per cent of the paper. The readers have been ideal shareholders because they demand neither profit nor editorial power.

But Mitterrand subdued the paper for a time. Readership plummeted in the early 1990s. Mr Colombani says Le Monde has now been "vaccinated" against partisan politics and it strives to separate information from opinion, "even if we don't succeed every day."

The number of meetings and "open councils" at Le Monde would probably drive an English-language editor to distraction, but journalists describe it is a comfortable place to work, where they feel consulted. If left to their own devices, Mr Colombani says, most of his staff would be "on the left of the left".

But he tries "to prevent them being as militant as in the past" because Le Monde's readers have, on average, five years' university education and will not tolerate being preached to.

Mr Colombani is proud of the first seven years of his editorship. "We put Le Monde back where it belongs, as the leading newspaper in the francophone world."

A recent survey concluded that Le Monde was the most influential newspaper in Europe after the Financial Times.

"For a French language newspaper in a world dominated by English, that's not bad," he adds.

"There's no greater challenge in the French press than Le Monde. The idea of having saved Le Monde and remade Le Monde is enough for me."

Lara Marlowe is Paris Correspondent of The Irish Times.

``xfrance``x``xEditorial independence and fresh capital are ingredients for success``x1026176638,36412,People_and_Culture``xIndependence was the by-word of Hubert Beuve-M�ry , the courageous journalist who was Le Monde's first director from 1944 until he retired in 1969``x ``x

It was a Saturday afternoon when I heard the thud on the balcony and stuck my head around the doorway to find myself face to face with a burglar. He was a scruffy European in his 30s, wearing a leather jacket, jeans and running shoes. His right hand was flat against the window, which was closed. For a fraction of a second, I feared losing my voice. Then I let out a scream that must have woken them up in the cimeti�re Montparnasse.

My unwelcome visitor stared at me, then like Saint Nicholas in The Night Before Christmas, raised a finger to his lips to bid silence. In seconds, he vaulted back onto the rooftop.

Forty-five minutes later, two policemen arrived. They'd had a second sighting four buildings away. But they didn't waste time on the grimy hand print he'd left on the window. "The burglars hit the top floors in the day time," one of the cops shrugged.

"They go for the ground floors and first floors at night. What do you expect? This is a bourgeois quartier."

The forces of law and order nonetheless urged me to go to the commissariat in the rue Jean Bart. I dropped by the following day, and was shown 93 photos of criminals fitting the burglar's description.

An officer printed up five copies of my account -- three for the police judiciaire, two for the Department of Justice. "The French administration loves paper," he told me.

When I asked whether it was really worth filing a complaint, the officer scolded me for having "un esprit Anglo-Saxon".

So when my bicycle was stolen from the courtyard of the building one recent night - notwithstanding the electronic code on the front door and the best German lock available - I didn't bother returning to the commissariat.

For days, I glanced forlornly at the bicycle rack each time I passed by, half expecting my bike to come home on its own. A shopkeeper commiserated; "they" stole his baby's pram from a storage cupboard.

The ministry of the interior announced this month that crime in France increased 9.58 per cent during the first half of this year - and that follows a 5.72 per cent increase in 2000. Theft accounts for two thirds of the increase.

The C�te d'Azur, where three cities have imposed curfews for children under 13 this summer, is most affected. Crime in Nice has risen 18 per cent in a year, with thefts from cars up 300 per cent.

Pillion passengers on motorcycles often grab handbags from cars stuck in traffic.

Opinion polls invariably show that crime is the first concern of the French, and it will be one of the principal themes in upcoming presidential and legislative elections.

President Chirac devoted much of his Bastille Day television appearance to the problem. "We have got to a point that is absolutely unbearable, and we've got to put a stop to ... this growing insecurity, this sort of sweeping surge," he said.

Mr Chirac claims the Prime Minister, Mr Lionel Jospin has "let the institutions adrift" and "abandoned the authority of the State".

The root causes of France's crime wave are elsewhere - disaffected youth, the exclusion of millions of immigrants from former French colonies. It is a worsening problem for which no French government has found a solution.

Although homicide is declining, assault has quadrupled in three decades. Every dinner conversation in France these days seems to include first-hand testimony from a crime victim. The most chilling I've heard was from C�cile Blin (29), the CEO of a yacht charter agency. On the last Sunday in May, Ms Blin was on the way to Roissy airport when someone rear-ended the Audi S4 she was travelling in. Her driver, a friend, stopped to check the damage. Three teenagers - all Europeans - emerged from the other car wearing black gloves and began to beat up her companion, who was partially blinded in one eye. Ms Blin fainted; when she regained consciousness, she was lying in the ditch next to her friend, who was covered in blood. The car and more than �8,000 in computers and belongings were gone.

Ms Blin was not able to speak for eight days after she was thrown in the ditch by the motorway, but two months later, she is philosophical. "I don't blame the young men who robbed us," she says. "These people are angry at the system they live in. They express themselves the only way they know how."

Lara Marlowe, Paris
Reproduced with permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``xt``xGovernment offers no solution for a growing surge of insecurity``x1026176704,28797,Life_Outside_Work``xIt was a Saturday afternoon when I heard the thud on the balcony and stuck my head around the doorway to find myself face to face with a burglar``x ``x

I hope I'm not tempting fate by writing about this a few days before I actually move. After months of searching for a bigger apartment, a public auction notice caught my eye last November.

The flat was behind the Hotel de Ville, with a view of the Seine, and was in a mid-19th century building sold by the city of Paris.

My dream apartment was on the fourth floor without a lift, had virtually no electrical wiring or plumbing. The parquet floor looked like someone had taken an axe to it, but none of that matters when you have a coup de foudre.

Auctions at the Chambre des Notaires haven't changed since Balzac. You deposit a cheque at the entry and they stick a number on your clothing. A woman sits next to the auctioneer at the head of the crowded, ill-ventilated room. When the bidding stops, she cries out "premier feu" and snuffs out a candle. If there are no further bids, she says, "deuxieme feu" and extinguishes the second candle. The process is known as "buying by the candle".

I asked my notary, Maitre Jean Pluvinage, to do the bidding for me. He raised his hand, and as I heard figures shouted out in dizzying succession, I had a visual image of my life's savings washing down a drain. When he reached the limit I'd set, Maitre Pluvinage turned to me. In a split second I decided; keep going.

"Deuxieme feu", I heard, without realising the flat was mine. At least it was for nine days, until the nondescript Frenchman who kept driving the stakes up lodged a bid 10 per cent higher - legal gazumping.

It took a couple more months to find another flat I liked, in better condition and at a more reasonable price, though without the view. It's in a graceful old building, centrally located near government ministries. By this time, I was thick-skinned enough to ignore the previous owner's teenage son. As the estate agent cringed beside me, he announced: "I've held black Masses in this room. I made satanic inscriptions in blood here."

The three legal stages of buying an apartment in France, l'offre, la promesse and l'acte, involve endless signatures, geometrists measuring and studies of asbestos, lead and termites.

In my case, the promise was the biggest hurdle, because a second estate agent surfaced claiming he had an exclusive mandate to sell the flat, and so demanded half the commission.

A three-hour session in Maitre Pluvinage's office ended inconclusively. At the following appointment, with dramatic flair, the previous owner's notary pulled out a document proving that the shady agency had forged their mandate. The owner fretted that he might none the less be sued. "They wouldn't dare," Maitre Pluvinage answered with bravado. As the young man representing the agency slinked out of the room, my notary called after him, "And remind your boss that he could go to prison."

That left only two more obstacles; selling my old flat, and refurbishing the new one. I wasted months negotiating with an aristocrat who owns a chateau in the country and wanted my place for her son. She seemed to regard the transaction as a kind of blood sport, and added new conditions each time we reached an agreement. Maitre Pluvinage and I laughed over the draft promesse de vente she sent. It would have given her the right to inspect the apartment to ensure I did not take door frames, door knobs and the toilet seat. In 20 years, my notary said, he'd never seen the toilet seat included in a contract.

Habitat was supposed to deliver my new kitchen at the end of June. The shop finally left a message on the builder's answering machine on July 11th, saying the kitchen would be delivered in August - when the builder will of course be on holiday. Habitat's press office said the supplier was British and unreliable, and that they would no longer work with him. They refused to give me his name and telephone number, saying it was "to protect him". I was eventually offered a 10 per cent rebate, but never heard the words, "we're sorry".

I assumed my troubles were due to normal Gallic inefficiency, but two colleagues in Dublin told me of a rattan settee, computer desk and sofa bed they had the misfortune of ordering from Habitat on Stephen's Green. Significant delays in delivery caused the order for the sofa bed to be cancelled; the other items were delivered late.

I've resigned myself to using cardboard boxes for kitchen cabinets until September. In the meantime, friends and my long-lost brother have telephoned from Holland, Algeria and California to book the guest room.

Lara Marlowe, Paris
Reproduced with the permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xWhen dream apartments become a nightmare to purchase``x1026176773,91751,Housing_and_Accommodation``xI hope I'm not tempting fate by writing about this a few days before I actually move. After months of searching for a bigger apartment, a public auction notice caught my eye last November``x ``x

Ruffaut denounced traditional film-making in the journal, Cahiers du Cin�ma - and created a schism in French cinema, 48 years ago. It is a quarrel that has reignited this year, writes Lara Marlowe.

The Cahiers du Cin�ma was barely three years-old when it published an article that changed the history of film-making forever. In January 1954, an article headlined "A certain tendency of French cinema" by a young film critic named Fran�ois Truffaut, was such a vicious attack on traditional French film-making - "le cin�ma de qualit�" - that editors were reluctant to print it. Using photographs so there could be no doubt about their identity, Truffaut denounced as has-beens some of France's most prominent directors: Jean Delannoy, Christian-Jaque, Claude Autant-Lara, Henri-Georges Clouzot and Ren� Cl�ment.

Truffaut praised those who found grace in his eyes - Jean Renoir, Robert Bresson, Jacques Tati, Jean Cocteau, Abel Gance, Jacques Becker, Marcel Ophuls, Roger Leenhardt - as "authors" who wrote their own dialogues and even made up the plots of the films they directed.

Truffaut's first grievance against the old guard was their reliance on book adaptations. He singled out Jean Aurenche, the most popular screen-writer of his day, for venomous criticism. Aurenche and the directors he worked with were tricksters and imposters, Truffaut wrote; "bastards" who made vulgar, patriotic, anti-clerical films because that was the fashion. Year after year, these "bourgeois making bourgeois films for bourgeois people" swept up prizes at Cannes and Venice. The directors he respected would never film such "despicable characters reciting despicable lines". It was impossible, Truffaut concluded, "to believe in peaceful co-existence between the Tradition de la qualit� and a cin�ma d'Auteurs."

The French film establishment split into pro- and anti-Truffaut factions. The Cahiers, a monthly review, became the refuge of the rebels, who were soon dubbed the nouvelle vague or New Wave. In addition to Truffaut, they included Jean-Luc Godard, Claude Chabrol, Eric Rohmer and Jacques Rivette, all young critics who haunted the Cin�math�que and worshipped Roberto Rossellini and Italian Neo-Realism. "By an extraordinary coincidence, they became the most brilliant film-makers in France, perhaps in the world," says Franck Nouchi, Le Monde's cultural editor, who oversaw the revamping of Cahiers after Le Monde purchased the cinema review in 1999. "Their films - Les Quatre Cents Coups, A bout de souffle, Le Beau Serge . . . became the archetypes of the New Wave."

Before they abandoned film criticism to move behind the camera, these young men had the immense power of determining what films would be recognised as cinema classics. Even before Truffaut's vitriolic attack on le cin�ma de qualit�, Cahiers introduced American cinema to France, publishing articles on Alfred Hitchcock, Billy Wilder, Joseph Mankiewicz, John Huston, Howard Hawks and others. "It was Truffaut who made Hitchcock known," says Nouchi. Samuel Fuller, Frank Tashlin (the director of the Jerry Lewis comedies), Martin Scorsese, Michael Cimino, Clint Eastwood, Brian De Palma and Francis Ford Coppola were all praised by Cahiers before they gained recognition in the US. When Eastwood won an Oscar for Unforgiven in 1992, he thanked Cahiers. The review is widely known - if not read - by American intellectuals, and the US magazine Film Comment is modelled on it.

The quarrel between ancients and moderns re-ignited this year, with the release of Bertrand Tavernier's film Laissez-passer, about French cinema during the Nazi occupation. The two main characters in Laissez-passer are Jean Aurenche, the screen-writer destroyed by Truffaut in 1954, and Jean Devaivre, who worked as an assistant director for the German film company, Continental, while helping the Resistance on the side. Tavernier, a fine director who has never been on good terms with Cahiers, says he merely wanted to show the dilemma facing film-makers during the war. Cahiers savaged Laissez-passer.

"Seeing (Tavernier's) film, you'd think French cinema lived its golden age under the Occupation," the editor-in-chief Charles Tesson wrote in Cahiers. Tavernier implies that the New Wave wasted the talent of his real-life characters.

"In short, Tavernier seems to be saying that the New Wave, by devaluing the work of the assistant director (a position that Tavernier praises to the skies) did more harm to French cinema than the German Occupation." The most telling question you can ask a French film lover, Tesson said in an interview at the Cahiers' office near the Bastille, is: "What is the best French film ever?" If he answers Marcel Carn�'s Les Enfants du Paradis (1945), he's from the old school. If he says Jean Renoir's La R�gle du jeu (1939), he's with the New Wave.

As "the cradle of the New Wave", Cahiers still influences those contemporary film-makers who trace their roots to the movement, including Arnaud Desplechin, Andr� T�chin�, Claude Lanzmann and Olivier Assayas.

But, Nouchi admits, some of France's most successful directors no longer pay obeisance to the New Wave. "If you ask Jean-Pierre Jeunet (who directed Am�lie Poulain, France's top box-office earner last year), he says he's fed up with the New Wave. The intellectual debate hasn't ended - and that's a good thing."

Tesson defines the "spirit of New Wave" as the antithesis of pictoral or literary academicism. "The New Wave is free in style and spirit. The film is a document about its own production, about the way in which it is made. New Wave films are not shot in studios, but out of doors. And they are not book adaptations; the film is an art form in its own right."

Asked whether a film should have a beginning, a middle and an end, Jean-Luc Godard allegedly retorted: "Yes. But not in that order". In old footage shown in Edgardo Cozarinksy's excellent documentary on the history of the review, the founder of Cahiers, Andr� Bazin, noted that "the cinema is covering ground that other art forms took two or three thousand years to get through". The critics at Cahiers loved this new art form with religious fervour, turning its original yellow and black covers into objects of veneration. Tesson remembers the first time he heard the cinema review mentioned, in a debate in Nantes in the mid-1970s. "A man was quoting the Cahiers by heart, as if it were the Bible. 'The Cahiers says this . . . The Cahiers says that . . .'"

But, despite its status as the most important film review ever, despite being a French cultural icon, the Cahiers sometimes lost its way. Its internal disputes and editorial vagaries mirrored French intellectual life throughout the second half of the 20th century. Exasperated by the Cahiers' left-wing militancy, the great Francois Truffaut broke with the review for a decade.

Last year, Eric Rohmer's French revolution saga, L'Anglaise et le Duc, was put on the Cahiers' cover and highly praised, ending the long break between the review and one of its first editors. Rohmer was overthrown by the New Wave crowd in the early 1960s. Jacques Rivette, who replaced him, opened the magazine up to intellectuals from other disciplines, like Roland Barthes and Pierre Boulez. Cahiers also "discovered" directors in the developing world - Rocha Glauber from Brazil, Satyajit Ray in India.

When Gen de Gaulle attempted to sack Henri Langlois as director of the Cin�math�que, Truffaut and Godard used the Cahiers' office as headquarters for a worldwide campaign to save their first mentor. De Gaulle backed down, but the incident prefigured the events of May 1968, when Cahiers became a Maoist journal so radical that it no longer published photographs or bylines and for years boycotted Cannes.

A second coup, staged by the critics Serge Daney and Serge Toubiana, finally put an end to Cahiers' years on the fringes of French intellectual life. Under the editorship of Olivier Assayas in the 1980s, the review inspired interest in Asian cinema, especially the Taiwanese director Hou Hsiao-hsien.

But by the end of the 1980s, Cahiers' circulation reached a low of 20,000. Since it was purchased and given a face-lift by Le Monde two years ago, circulation has increased to 35,000. The new, glossy Cahiers can still be polemical - witness the debate over Tavernier's Laizzez-passer - but it is more accessible to a wider audience. Under Nouchi's supervision, Cahiers has launched a series of DVDs of film classics, and contracted to publish books on the history of cinema for the French ministry of education.

Tesson says he wants to build bridges between cinema and other aspects of daily life. On the day I met him, he was agonising about whether to put video games on the cover. Recent reviews included an assessment of the videotape of Osama bin Laden gloating over the attack on the World Trade Centre. "Some people say the Cahiers has lost its soul," Tesson admits. "Others say it's better than before. The danger for the Cahiers du Cin�ma was always that we might turn inward, on ourselves, on our films, on our authors. Now we are trying to combine reflection, critical debate and journalism about the cinema. It's ambitious, but so far it's working."

Reproduced with the permission of the Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xCradle of the New Wave``x1026176897,91826,People_and_Culture``xRuffaut denounced traditional film-making in the journal, Cahiers du Cin�ma - and created a schism in French cinema, 48 years ago. It is a quarrel that has reignited this year, writes Lara Marlowe``x ``x

The French National Assembly has overturned a judiciary decision which allowed a handicapped child to seek compensation from the doctor who provided neo-natal care.

The Perruche decision, handed down by the Court of Cassation in November 2000, awarded damages to Mr Nicolas Perruche because a doctor failed to diagnose rubella or German measles during his mother's pregnancy. Had Mrs Perruche known she carried the disease, she would have had an abortion. The boy was born severely handicapped, and the decision was meant to guarantee him an income throughout his life.

But pro-life groups staged emotional protests, claiming the decision set a dangerous precedent in establishing what they called "the right not to be born". French doctors - especially obstetricians - also opposed the measure, saying it gave patients the impression they were entitled to a normal infant, and created a danger that doctors would be held responsible for all birth defects.

Dr Jean-Francois Matt�i, a medical professor and centre-right member of the National Assembly, prepared the draft law reversing the Perruche decision. His text, with an amendment proposed by the government, was voted almost unanimously by the National Assembly, marking the first time that a law has been passed to change a Court of Cassation conclusion.

The new law seeks to strike a balance between doctors' responsibility and the uncertainties of neonatal science. Sonograms detect about 70 per cent of deformities, but in the Perruche case there was no sonogram involved.

"No one can claim he has been wronged by the simple fact of being born," says the government amendment. From now on, handicapped children can sue if their handicap was provoked or worsened by a doctor's action. But the failure to detect a deformity is actionable only by the mother - who is deemed to have been deprived of her right to have an abortion - and no longer by the child. Parents may ask for compensation for a handicapped child, but any amount awarded by French courts will be deducted from government allowances. On the initiative of the Health Minister, Dr Bernard Kouchner, payments may continue after the death of the parents.

The Perruche debate occurred while French general practitioners were striking for higher pay and associations defending the rights of the handicapped claimed the state was not making sufficient provision for them.

10 Jan 2002

Reproduced with the permission of the Irish Times

``xfrance``x``x'Right not to be born' overturned``x1026177073,66797,Health_and_Family``xThe French National Assembly has overturned a judiciary decision which allowed a handicapped child to seek compensation from the doctor who provided neo-natal care``x ``x

Lara Marlowe previews the legislative programme of the newly elected French government

President Jacques Chirac is fond of the Napoleonic adage, "You win, and then after you see." This week, in a presidential message to be read to the new National Assembly tomorrow and in the general policy speech on Wednesday of the Prime Minister, Mr Jean-Pierre Raffarin, the right will explain how it intends to govern France for the next five years.

To show a sense of urgency, Mr Raffarin warned candidates in this month's legislative elections: "Tell your wives to cancel the holiday bookings. I need you in the National Assembly." Setting aside the sexist but safely accurate assumption that deputies are men whose wives do secretarial duty, Mr Raffarin broke with French tradition by asking the Assembly to meet in an extraordinary session from now until the first week of August.

Two recent events reminded Mr Chirac and Mr Raffarin that it is easier to make campaign promises than to keep them: a call to budgetary order at the June 20th Ecofin meeting, and the publication of an audit of government finances on June 27th.

The outgoing socialist government had counted on a 1.4 per cent budget deficit this year; the actual figure will be between 2.3 and 2.6 per cent. No recent French government has enjoyed control of all institutions, including an absolute majority in the National Assembly. But Mr Raffarin has very little financial leeway.

The first item on the Assembly's agenda is the traditional post-election amnesty law for parking tickets, to be presented on July 9th. The entire French political class is asking: "Will they dare?" Will the new right-wing majority dare to slip a pardon for "politico-financial offences" into its first legislation?

Mr Chirac and his prot�g�, Mr Alain Jupp�, the president of Mr Chirac's UMP party, would be the first beneficiaries. The Justice Minister, Mr Dominique Perben, says an amnesty for corrupt party financing "is not on the government's agenda". But, he added: "I don't know what's on the minds of each of 577 deputies." In other words, UMP deputies may tack on an amendment to clear their political bosses.

Mr Chirac's presidential campaign programme, which will serve as the blueprint for Mr Raffarin's policy speech, stated that "no infraction, however minor, must go unpunished . . . This is 'zero impunity'; I shall impose it."

Measures enacted since Mr Chirac's re-election on May 5th include the creation of a "domestic security council" presided over by the President and the creation of "regional intervention groups" of gendarmes to patrol rural areas, where crime rose 11.5 per cent in the first five months of this year.

The Interior Minister, Mr Nicolas Sarkozy, caused an outcry when he announced that he would equip security forces with "flash-balls", a high-velocity air gun whose rubber ammunition can be lethal at close range.

Mr Sarkozy will receive 60 per cent of the €6 billion to be budgeted for security and justice.

The other 40 per cent will go to the Justice Minister and his junior minister for "property programmes", a euphemism for 11,000 new prison cells. The law on the presumption of innocence, which police blame for the rise in crime, will be revised.

Mr Chirac promised to reduce income tax by 5 per cent this year. That will be voted in mid-July, but there are doubts whether he can make good on the commitment to reduce income tax by one-third over the five-year legislature.

The last, business-friendly measure to be voted this summer will be an exemption from all social charges for the hiring of 16 to 22-year-olds without university degrees.

In the autumn, Mr Chirac and Mr Raffarin want to change the constitution to give more power to local government. Decentralisation is a recurring theme in French politics, last promised by the Defferre laws 20 years ago. The right hopes it will pacify Corsica, but no one seriously believes that Paris will loosen its grip over the rest of France.

The government is postponing the most explosive issues - pensions and the assouplissement (softening) of the law on the 35-hour working week - until January 2003.

Both touch on the single biggest question facing the right.

In a country where 45 per cent of GNP goes up in withholding taxes, where more than a quarter of wage-earners are government employees, can they reform the State?

Reproduced with the permission of the Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xCan Chirac and Co at last reform the French state?``x1026177149,76423,Essentials``xLara Marlowe previews the legislative programme of the newly elected French government``x ``x

The French sheep farmer and anti-globalisation campaigner Mr Jos� Bov� reported to prison at Villeneuve-les-Magelone near Montpellier yesterday dressed in a striped convict's uniform and chained to his 10 co-defendants. He asked protesters to camp outside the prison and threatened to go on hunger strike.

Mr Bov� drove a red tractor at the head of a caravan of tractors, lorries and cars from his farm 130 km away. "The world is not a piece of merchandise," said the sticker on his shirt. He is to serve two months and 10 days for the destruction of a McDonald's restaurant on August 12th, 1999. The 20 days he already served count as part of his three-month sentence.

An indefatigable protester, Mr Bov� occupied a field outside Rome planted with genetically modified crops during the congress of the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation earlier this month. He was a leader of the violent demonstrations that sabotaged the Seattle World Trade Organisation meeting. Another legal case is pending against him for the destruction of genetically-modified corn in a research complex in France.

Nearly 300 sheep farmers participated in what they called the "dismantling" of the McDonald's restaurant, which was under construction at the time. Damage was estimated at €106,700.

They were protesting against US taxes on the Roquefort cheese they produce, which were levied in response to the EU's ban on US hormone-fed beef.

Mr Bov�'s rejection of la malbouffe (junk food) found deep resonance among French people. His action, the communist newspaper L'Humanit� said yesterday, "quickly became a symbol of the struggle between small farmers and the ultra-liberal commercial order imposed by the US; a battle between David and Goliath against the background of a certain globalisation that crushes everything".

Mr Bov�'s conviction was upheld by the court of cassation in February, but the prosecutor announced in April that he would not be jailed until after the French presidential election "so as not to pollute the electoral debate". Gendarmes served him a summons on Monday morning, hours after the right won the legislative poll.

"I don't know why they're so crazy," Mr Bov� said. "They just got elected with a big majority, and the first thing they do is put me in prison - as if they wanted to mobilise the social movement."

L'Humanit� said the Raffarin government conveyed "a dangerous signal; that they're the old-fashioned right, always inclined to treat political or trade union protest as if it were a crime or misdemeanour".

Lara Marlowe, Paris, 20 June 2002
Repdoduced with the permission of the Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xFrench farming campaigner leads defiant tractor procession on the way to prison``x1026177234,58690,People_and_Culture``xThe French sheep farmer and anti-globalisation campaigner Mr Jos� Bov� reported to prison at Villeneuve-les-Magelone near Montpellier yesterday dressed in a striped convict's uniform and chained to his 10 co-defendants``x ``x

Lara Marlowe reports from Paris about France's popular new minister for technology and research. The most talked about member of the new French government is Europe's first female astronaut, Ms Claudie Haigner�, n�e Andr�-Deshayes.

Photographs of the smiling Ms Haigner� wearing a space-suit were published on the front pages of several French newspapers yesterday, following her appointment as junior minister for technology and research.

The second Raffarin government was "in orbit", said Lib�ration's headline.

"The space star lands at Raffarin's," said France Soir.

Ms Haigner� (45) decided to become an astronaut when at the age of 12 she watched Neil Armstrong walk on the moon. She earned her baccalaur�at at 15 and became a medical doctor at 24. With 19 years of higher education, she holds degrees in biology, sports medicine, aeronautical and space medicine and rheumatology.

She was a practising physician when she applied to the French space studies centre CNES in 1985. Only seven of 700 candidates were selected, and she was the only woman. Eight years later, she met her future husband, the astronaut Jean-Pierre Haigner�, when she was his substitute for a Franco-Russian flight on the Mir space station.

"It was a Pygmalion story - he taught her, and she surpassed him," says Ms Anne Gayet, author of Legendary, a book of profiles of pilots and astronauts including Ms Haigner�.

Ms Haigner� became the first European woman to go into orbit in 1996, when she led the two-week Cassiopia mission, also on Mir. During the flight, she conducted experiments on the reproduction of salamanders in outer space.

Living in Russia with her husband, who holds the rank of general in the French air force, she then became the only woman in the world to learn to pilot Soyuz, a sort of outer space life-boat.

The Haigner�s have a four-year-old daughter, Carla, and were living between Paris and Cologne, where Mr Haigner� recruits European astronauts for the European Space Agency. A spokesman for the ESA said her appointment was "a good way to lose an astronaut", adding that it should inspire women in related fields.

Scientists hope her appointment will rekindle enthusiasm for manned space flights. The former socialist education minister, Mr Claude All�gre, considered them a waste of money.

Ms Gayet describes Ms Haigner� as a warm and charismatic scientist. "She's not an extra-terrestrial . . . She told me how a female presence eased tension in link-ups between Mir and the US space shuttle. She is a model for women who want to take up atypical careers and keep their femininity."

By filling 10 of 38 cabinet positions with women, the Prime Minister, Mr Jean-Pierre Raffarin, may hope the French will forget that President Chirac's party, the UMP, fielded few female candidates in the legislative election.

As a result, the new assembly is only 12.5 per cent female. The president and prime minister have won praise for choosing several ministers, including Ms Haigner�, from civil society.

Mr Hamlaoui Mekachera, a Harki (Algerian loyal to France in the 1954-62 war) and president of the National Council of French Muslims, was made secretary of state for war veterans.

Lara Marlowe, Paris, Wed, Jun 19, 02
Reproduced with the permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xEurope's first female astronaut appointed to French government``x1026177303,38056,Life_Outside_Work``xLara Marlowe reports from Paris about France's popular new minister for technology and research. The most talked about member of the new French government is Europe's first female astronaut, Ms Claudie Haigner�, n�e Andr�-Deshayes``x ``x

For once, there was a clear logic to the behaviour of French voters on Sunday, when they eliminated enough candidates to ensure that President Jacques Chirac will have an absolute majority in the National Assembly that will be elected on June 16th.

Sunday's vote followed in the spirit of the May 5th presidential poll, when - albeit with misgivings - France made Mr Chirac the embodiment of "republican values", to stop the extreme right-wing leader, Mr Jean-Marie Le Pen. Mr Chirac then begged for an end to "cohabitation" with the left, and France granted him his wish. His victory could be slightly diluted if there is strong left-wing mobilisation this week, but it is already almost embarrassing.

"Too strong a majority in the assembly is never a present for the resident of Matignon (the prime minister)", the Chirac-idolater Le Figaro said yesterday.

France has taken on some of the attributes of a Third World dictatorship: a hastily-constructed presidential party, the Union for the Presidential Majority (UMP) centred on himself; an 82 per cent "yes" vote on May 5th; an assembly in which parties loyal to Mr Chirac will hold around 400 of 577 seats, and a government that refuses to debate with its political opponents because it prefers to commune directly with "the people".

In an unprecedented concentration of power, Chirac loyalists will control the Senate and the National Assembly, the media watchdog CSA, the Constitutional Council, the majority of regions and departments.

France's two biggest cities, Paris and Lyons, are the only important power centres to escape Mr Chirac's purview.

The temptation to create a "Restoration", picking up where the centre-right went out in the 1997 general election will be great. The left-wing newspaper Le Monde pleaded with President Chirac to "rise above the fray" and remember that he owes his victory over Mr Le Pen to votes from the left. The ultimate check and balance is the certainty of another general election in, at most, five years' time. In 20 years, no outgoing French government has ever been re-elected.

Mr Le Pen had the ill grace to attribute the poor showing of the extreme right (12.48 per cent) to, among other things, the high number of female candidates fielded by his party.

It was difficult for Mr Le Pen's party, the National Front (FN), to mobilise voters behind hundreds of little-known candidates without Mr Le Pen's charisma or oratory skills. Some voters may have been frightened by Mr Le Pen's racist and anti-Semitic record, which was dredged up after April 21st. Allegations that he tortured in Algeria, published by Le Monde last week, didn't help either.

But the biggest blow to the FN came from the centre-right interior minister, Mr Nicolas Sarkozy, chosen in part for his appeal to extreme right-wing voters.

"The French are not fascists," Mr Sarkozy declared in the last campaign rally before Sunday's vote. "France in 2002 is not Germany in 1932. It is men and women who can't stand it anymore, who are fed up and who turn to us saying, 'Enough!'. They say it badly, by voting in the wrong direction, but they have a message for us . . ."

Mr Sarkozy commiserated with honest citizens "who cannot sleep at night because gangs of delinquents in the entry of their building keep them from sleeping - delinquents who've never worked in their lives."

The only thing that distinguished Mr Sarkozy's speech from a Le Pen tirade was his failure to mention the delinquents' ethnic origin. The message was simple: you don't need to vote for the FN; the centre-right will deal with crime and immigration.

The extreme right will be watching. "The UMP can't afford to slip up," the FN's national secretary Mr Carl Lang said. "If it does, the FN will be an immediate fallback."

Lara Marlow in Pais. 11 June 2002
Reproduced with permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xChirac's rise to absolute power prompts fears of 'dictatorship'``x1026177401,6748,People_and_Culture``xIn an unprecedented concentration of power, Chirac loyalists will control the Senate and the National Assembly, the media watchdog CSA, the Constitutional Council, the majority of regions and departments``x ``x

The 'Scream' series of films has been blamed for terrible crimes in France, writes Lara Marlowe, from Paris.

A 17-year-old lyc�e student was yesterday charged with the murder of a school friend in a suburb of Nantes, amid growing concerns in France over the effect of violent and pornographic films on adolescents.

Julien, the self-confessed killer, was obsessed with the Scream series of three horror films by the US director Wes Craven, in which a satanic band of middle-class American teenagers wearing black capes and ghoulish masks stab their school friends.

The Scream mask is modelled on the Norwegian artist Edvard Munch's painting of the same name.

Gendarmes found gloves, a black cape and a Scream mask in the black bag in which Julien left the knife he used to stab 15-year-old Alice on the evening of June 3rd.

Autopsy results released yesterday confirmed the girl was stabbed 45 times.

Julien's lyc�e teachers describe him as a normal boy with no behavioural problems.

But on the afternoon of June 3rd, he watched a Scream video again, then telephoned three girls from his group of friends. The first two were not available, but Alice agreed to see him.

Julien went to her home in a quiet street in the suburb of Saint-Sebastien-sur-Loire and had a drink with Alice and her father. He then suggested that he and Alice go for a walk.

In a grove of trees 100 metres away, Julien took out a knife and donned the Scream mask. He fled when a resident of the neighbourhood approached walking a dog. The neighbour found Alice in a pool of blood and held her in his arms as she spoke her last words, saying that Julien had stabbed her. Alice died in hospital an hour later.

"I wanted to kill someone," Julien told gendarmes, who have been struck by the teenager's inability to distinguish between the virtual and the real.

"He's waiting for the credits at the end of the film so he can go home," an investigator told France-Info radio yesterday. When told that Alice is dead, Julien replies, "It doesn't matter. Just rewind the cassette."

Authorities have reported a similar phenomenon among growing numbers of teenage rapists.

"In their minds, it's as if what happened was some kind of virtual game," the Lyons public prosecutor, Mr Robert Esch, said on May 24th, after eight boys aged 14 and 15 were indicted in the gang rape of a 15-year-old schoolgirl.

"They seem to have no idea of the gravity of the acts they are accused of," he said.

A survey published last month showed that almost half of French children watch hard core pornography before the age of 11.

This is not the first time that Scream has been blamed for terrible crimes in France.

Two years ago, five young men in their 20s wore Scream masks when they raped a 21-year-old hairdresser in her home outside Paris. In September 2000, a 15-year-old stabbed his parents to death in Belfort, eastern France.

He said he had received a message on his cell-phone signed Scream and heard a voice telling him that it was time to kill his parents.

In March of this year, two girls, aged 13 and 14, tortured a 15-year-old school friend and left her for dead in an abandoned building.

The 14-year-old had just seen Scream.

Oliver Stone's violent film Natural Born Killers influenced Florence Rey and Audry Maupin, a young couple who went on a one-night rampage in October 1994.

In the US, another couple killed a man and attacked a woman, whose family sued Mr Stone and Warner studios.

A court in Louisiana ruled in favour of the films' makers, saying they had the right to freedom of speech.

Jun 06, 02
Reproduced with the permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xStudent charged with murder amid concerns in France over violent films``x1026177484,29469,Life_Outside_Work``xThe 'Scream' series of films has been blamed for terrible crimes in France``x ``x

Few art objects were safe from the well-dressed Mr Breitwieser.

Like the devoted art collector that he was, St�phane Breitwieser kept a card catalogue file on the 109 objets d'arts and 63 old masters in his possession. After each acquisition, the 31-year-old Alsatian waiter combed libraries and bookshops for more information about his treasures. From a craftsman in Mulhouse, he ordered appropriate period-style frames.

Mr Breitwieser had to buy the frames because he used a box-cutter to remove the paintings from their original displays in museums in France, Switzerland, Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Austria. Over seven years, the self-taught connoisseur amassed a collection estimated by Lib�ration to be worth up to €2 billion. It included Lucas Cranach's Princess of Cleves, pilfered at a Sotheby's sale in Baden-Baden, Pieter Bruegel's Fraud Profits Its Master, purloined in Anvers, Antoine Watteau's Two Men, thieved in Montpellier, and Francois Boucher's Sleeping Shepherd, lifted from the Blois museum.

The deputy prosecutor of Strasbourg, Mr Pascal Schultz, described Mr Breitwieser as "an enlightened amateur, particularly fond of Belgian and Flemish masters of the 18th century". Instead of selling his loot, he hoarded it in his mother's house at Eschen-tzwiller, near Mulhouse, which is why he was not noticed by international art theft investigators.

Mr Breitwieser has been imprisoned in Switzerland since November 2001. But the affair came to the attention of the French public in recent days when his mother, Mireille (51), was arrested and imprisoned in Strasbourg. Her son's "collection" also included porcelain, antique watches, rare musical instruments and finely wrought sacramental chalices. But Mrs Breitwieser says she believed St�phane when he claimed he bought the booty at auction.

A nurse who commuted to work across the border in Bale, Mrs Breitwieser was so distraught when she learned of her son's arrest that she decided to dispose of his "museum". She dumped much of it in the Rhine-Rhone canal, which the French army is dredging in the presence of gendarmes and Swiss police. In all, 107 items have been recovered.

Most of the oil paintings, however, are lost forever. Mrs Breitwieser slashed them before throwing them in the river or putting them in her garbage disposal. "I was cleaning house," she told police. She has been indicted for possession of stolen works of art, and may also be charged with their destruction.

Investigators describe Mr Breitwieser as "cold and methodical". He committed all 172 thefts during daytime visits to museums. While his girlfriend, Ms Anne-Catherine Kleinklauss, watched out for guards, the kleptomaniac art lover cut paintings from their frames, rolled them up and concealed them under his coat "with disconcerting facility", according to the prosecutor, Mr Schultz. Ms Kleinklauss has been placed under investigation for complicity.

Mr Breitwieser is the grand-nephew of the minor Alsatian painter Robert Breitwieser. Last November, he visited the Richard Wagner Museum at Tribschen, near Lucerne, where the composer lived. A 17th century horn dating from the time of the Swiss confederation - one of only three in the world - went missing.

"He seemed like a very nice young man. He was well dressed and seemed very interested in our collection," the museum's director, Ms Esther Jaeger, told Le Temps. But Breitwieser had grown over-confident and Ms Jaeger spotted him when he returned to the scene two days later and called police.

Mr Breitwieser will stand trial for the thefts he committed in Switzerland, after which he will be extradited to France to answer for thefts in EU countries.

May 21, 2002
Lara Marlowe, Paris
Reproduced with permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``x``xFrench waiter had robbery down to a fine art``x1026177554,92912,People_and_Culture``xFew art objects were safe from the well-dressed Mr Breitwieser.``x ``x

The fear of conflict between France's large Muslim and Jewish communities grew yesterday when details of an attack on a Jewish football team became known.

About 15 north African teenagers burst on to the football field at Bondy, north of Paris, shouting "dirty Jews", as the Maccabi team were practising on Wednesday night. The assailants wore hoods and keffiyehs and were armed with baseball bats, metal bars and bowling balls.

All but one of the Jewish players, aged between 16 and 20, ran away. The 16-year-old goal-keeper was knocked to the ground with a metal bar. "They kept hitting me and calling me 'dirty Jew'. They threw a bowling ball at my head before going towards the goalpost," he told the Figaro newspaper.

The Jewish team had left their belongings in a pile beside the goalpost. The attackers stole mobile telephones, credit cards and clothing. The goalkeeper received three stitches in the head before being released from hospital a few hours later.

"We've reached a new level in anti-Semitic acts," Sammy Ghozlan, the president of the Council of Jewish Communities for the Seine-St-Denis department said. "What is serious is that they are no longer attacking property."

Also on Wednesday evening, a bus carrying 30 Jewish children from the Lubavitch sect was attacked by youths throwing stones in the 20th arrondissement of Paris. A young girl was slightly injured in the eye. Earlier in the day the Israeli Prime Minister, Mr Ariel Sharon, announced that he was establishing a commission to "organise the practical aspects" of bringing French Jews to Israel.

The French Prime Minister and presidential candidate, Mr Lionel Jospin, denounced the attack at Bondy as "an abject act". The campaign is dominated by the repercussions in France of Mr Sharon's assault on the West Bank, and the broader question of violent crime. Mr Jospin has taken a new tack, warning against the demonisation of young men, despite their disproportionately high crime rate.

At a rally in Bordeaux on Thursday night he called for a "pact of confidence" with young people. "I refuse to equate the youth of my country with delinquency," he said. "It's as if the young, for some people, were a dangerous class, like workers in the 19th-century. I am not afraid of the young."

The week had started with another example of the violent crime for which the right blames Mr Jospin's government. Mr Jean-Charles Denis (48), an affluent farmer from Brittany, shot dead Regis Ryckbusch (36), a policeman. Mr Denis was drunk driving when he collided with three young people in a car. They ran to the Vannes police station, where Mr Ryckbusch opened the door. Mr Denis fired 25 rounds from a Kalashnikov, killing the policeman. The killer was so drunk that police were not able to question him until the following afternoon.

President Jacques Chirac noted that the homicidal farmer used a "weapon of war" and called on authorities to crack down on arms-trafficking. Kalashnikovs from the former Soviet Union can be purchased in France for €150.

The centre-right candidate, Mr Fran�ois Bayrou, received an unexpected boost in popularity when he slapped a 15-year-old boy. As education minister, Mr Bayrou had banned the wearing of Muslim headscarves in French schools.

Lara Marlowe, Paris, Apr 13, 02
Reproduced with permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``xe``xFrance unsettled by Muslim attacks on Jews``x1026177642,65641,People_and_Culture``xThe fear of conflict between France's large Muslim and Jewish communities grew yesterday when details of an attack on a Jewish football team became known``x ``x

The Prime Minister, Mr Lionel Jospin, launched France's year-long celebration of the country's favourite writer last night in Besancon, the eastern French town where Victor Hugo was born 200 years ago today.

Victor Hugo might have relished being used as a prop for a socialist's presidential campaign. "His political behaviour was strongly poetic, and his poetry is political," said Prof Jacques Seebacher, who has just supervised a new edition of the complete works of Hugo.

Mr Jospin unveiled a plaque outside the house where Hugo was born at 140 Grande-Rue, then joined 350 prominent political and cultural figures who had travelled in a specially chartered TGV train with the Socialist culture minister, Mrs Catherine Tasca, for an evening of music and readings at Besancon's Nouveau th��tre.

Although last night's festivities were devoted to the theme of childhood, the Socialists will highlight Hugo's political vision in this year of presidential and legislative elections. Hugo's life spanned most of the 19th century and he was a tireless campaigner for equality, universal suffrage, freedom of the press, women's rights, free and compulsory education, European integration and an end to the death penalty. In old age, he pleaded for European intervention in the Balkans and amnesty for the Paris communards.

Radio France will devote hours of programming to Hugo today. The President of the French Senate, Mr Christian Poncelet, and orators from the main political groupings will make speeches about his oeuvre and personality. Hugo was a royal appointee to the Senate for three years in the 1840s, and returned as an elected member in 1876. In the interim, he spent nearly 20 years in exile in the Channel Islands, in opposition to the reign of Napoleon III.

Bicentennial organisers quote Hugo on the 1848 revolution. "Let us never forget memorable anniversaries. When the night tries to return, we must light up great dates, as one lights torches." But would Hugo have approved of the profusion of commemorations for his 200th birthday? "I dislike events without spontaneity, pre-planned ceremonies that found a sort of religion with annual feasts and transform the republic into a soporific pontificate," he said.

Lara Marlowe, Paris, Feb 26, 02
Reproduced with permission of The Irish Times

``xfrance``xd``xJospin lights the torch for France's favourite writer``x1026177784,88601,People_and_Culture``xlaunched France's year-long celebration of the country's favourite writer last night in Besancon, the eastern French town where Victor Hugo was born 200 years ago``x ``x

Should you buy new (neuf) or old (ancien)?
Like anywhere, new flats or houses in France are generally better insulated for heat, are more functional and are usually better equipped with the floor space distributed for modern living. Importantly, there are certain guarantees that cover any malfunctions (two years after purchase) or construction faults (10 years after purchase) encountered after you have acquired your residence. New apartment buildings are legally required to include parking.

However, new residences are often more expensive than older residences, have less charm, and rapidly age to become demod�.

Old flats or houses are often more centrally located. They have the advantage of more charm with features like moulded or beamed ceilings and, especially, they generally have higher ceilings (3m10) and higher doors.

Older lodgings are usually less expensive but there is more likely to be a need to spend on things like updating electricity, plumbing, carpentry work etc.

If you invest in a lodging that needs important renovation work, keep in mind that there are strict regulations concerning the structural foundation, the electricity, plumbing etc. To completely redo a house or apartment, count on an average cost of €1,300 per m2.

Where apartments are concerned, follow up on an ad first by phone with a prepared set of questions.

The exact address?
What floor?
How many rooms? (only bedrooms, a living or dining room, and kitchen count as pi�ces, or rooms)
How many square metres of living space?
Is there a lift?
Does it give onto the street or courtyard?
What is the exposition (does the residence face east, west, north, south)?
How much are the monthly charges (the monthly expenses of co-owners in an apartment building).
Beware - impressive entry halls, common gardens, concierges, fountains etc., can greatly increase monthly co-owner fees.
Has major building work been programmed for the future? (the cost of putting in an elevator, a new roof or a new fa�ade is shared by all the co-owners)

``xfrance``xgaa``xBuying property in France``x1026299299,98861,Housing_and_Accommodation``xLike anywhere, new flats or houses in France are generally better insulated for heat, are more functional and are usually better equipped with the floor space distributed for modern living. SO neuf or ancienn?``x ``x

Real estate agents
When you consider purchasing property, you can and should count on local estate agents for helping you find a suitable residence, for accurate market prices as well as for providing reliable legal information.

They are trained professionals who, according to the Loi Hoguet decree, must adhere to strict conditions before acquiring a professional card delivered by the local prefecture de police. They must be protected by insurance covering their professional responsibility.

Real estate agents are free to determine the amount of their commission, but this is generally between four and seven percent of the value of the property.

You are only exempt from paying the agency commission if the agent is exercising his role illegally; if the mandate to visit the lodging has expired, or in the event that the sale has not been conclusive.

The press
Public newspapers, free magazines and professional advertising in weekly magazines contain thousands of property ads every day. The best newspaper source for ads is the national daily Le Figaro. For professional ads, try the two weekly specialist magazines, L'immobilier and L'hebdo Immobilier which both cover all of France. For the Paris area, A vendre/A louer, is also a good source.

For sales by owner, the best and most popular source is de Particulier � Particulier, with over 20,000 offers each week covering every region of France. There are also several specialised monthly magazines which can be found at any kiosk. Two of the most interesting are Belles Demeures and Propri�t�s de France, which specialise in ch�teaux, small farms, or maisons de charme.

The internet
The net has become a rich source for property ads. The following is a list of the main French sites.

www.pap.fr This is a site for sales by private owners which is affiliated with the magazine de Particulier � Particulier.
www.immoneuf.com. A top site if your looking for a newly built apartment or house.
Other sites specialising in new constructions are:
www.sinvim.fr
www.vivolio.com
www.cogedim.com
www.bouygues-immobilier.com

There are other sites called portail immobiliers which regroup thousands of property adverts. However, since advertising on these sites is free, many of the offers you see might have already been sold.

www.lesiteimmobilier.com One of the more reliable sites, updated regularly, this site also offers financial plans and loans.
www.immostreet.com A site with high quality descriptions and photos.
www.123immo.com This site includes an offer of mail alerts, good descriptive listings, tax information as well as monthly co-owner fees.
www.immobytel.com An excellent site for residences up for auction.
www.explorimmo.com In affiliation with Le Figaro newspaper, it includes market prices, on-line lawyers and other necessary services.
www.minitelorama.com A site associated with the A vendre, A louer magazine.
www.pro-a-part.com Specialises in the Paris area.

The following, are professional web sites connected to real estate agencies:
www.fnaim.fr
www.century21.fr
www.laforet.com
www.orpi.com
www.guyhoquet.com
For sites which specialise in charm or luxury:
www.feau-immobilier.fr
www.ateliers-lofts.com
and www.terrasses-jardins.com

Public auctions
For the experienced and the adventurous, there is also the possibility of the public auctions, called vente aux anch�res. The starting prices can be very attractive and with a little luck you can make an exceptional deal. But generally, the final sale price accurately reflects the real estate market. You can find details of auctions in most local newspapers, and in the specialist press listed earlier here.

``xfrance``xga``xWhere to look for property to purchase``x1026299516,85394,Housing_and_Accommodation``xRole of real estate agents explained, together with contact details for on-line property portals``x ``x

Here are some of the conditions, regulations and taxes you'll encounter if you buy land to build on.

Certificate d'urbanism: document which informs you of the rules for construction, the exterior aspect, the density of construction, where you may build on your property etc.

Permit de construire: building permit which specifies any construction work that requires authorisation. You will be required to provide detailed building plans.

Taxe locale d'equipement, Taxe d�partementale pour le financement du CAUE and Taxe d�partementale des espaces naturels sensibles: these are all taxes and are set at a small percentage of the property's value.

``xfrance``xj``xBuilding your own property``x1026299610,3678,Housing_and_Accommodation``xSome documentation and tax requirements``x ``x

A viager is a residence that is sold on condition that its seller, usually an elderly person, may continue to occupy his residence until his or her death. They usually sell well below the market price.

Viagers currently represent 10 percent of the market sold by private owners.

When you purchase a viager, you pay a bouquet, a down payment of the total price. The rest of the purchase price is paid as an annual rent, or monthly payment, the amount of which is based upon the age (and therefore the life expectancy) of the resident and calculated in respect to the total amount due.

For example:
You buy a house en viager from women of 70 years for €96,500 with a bouquet of €23,000. The remaining sum of € 73,500 will be multiplied by 7.70 percent (according to a statistical guide calculated by the Caisse Nationale de Pr�voyance).

The buyer becomes the property owner upon the death of the seller - a matter of months or many years. It is a macabre risk taken on the part of the buyer.

``xfrance``xk``xBuying through the viager system``x1026299695,14368,Housing_and_Accommodation``xA viager is a residence that is sold on condition that its seller, usually an elderly person, may continue to occupy his residence until his or her death``x ``x

Once you have found the residence of your choice, you must sign a preliminary contract called a promesse de vente, a promesse d'achat or a compromis de vente. You may sign this contract privately or in the presence of a notaire (notary/solicitor).

In either case, as buyer, you have a seven-day delay of r�traction or r�flexion before being legally and financially committed to purchase. During this period, it is unlawful to deposit any money.

After the seven-day period, the buyer customarily gives a 10 percent deposit to finalise the affair. If the buyer later decides not to buy, and if there are no conditions suspensive or suspending conditions (such as a clause stipulating that the buyer has been granted a certain delay to find financing), the seller keeps the 10 percent deposit as compensation.

There are several important details which must be included in the preliminary contract.

One is the exact surface area of an apartment according to the loi Carrez. The calculation of the floor space excludes separating walls, stairs, terraces and balconies as well as any floor space that has a ceiling lower than 1.80 metres. So, an apartment de charme which has slanted ceilings, a mezzanine, a staircase etc., which is 60m2, might actually be only 30m2 according to the loi Carrez. However, this does not necessarily affect the selling price because one pays more for charm!

However, the loi Carrez does not apply to houses or lots of less than 8m2.

Other details that must be indicated include the known presence of termites, of lead (present in certain paints) and asbestos (present in false ceilings).

Three months after signing the preliminary contract, you are obliged to sign the final acte de vente in the presence of a notaire, notary or solicitor, who is an officer of the state ministry. It is usually the buyer who proposes his notary to direct the procedure. The seller is often accompanied by his personal notary for the final sale as well.

On the day of the signature, you will be required to make out a check for the remaining amount outstanding on the full purchase price of your new property.

You will also be required to pay the frais de notaire, or notary fees. These fees pay for the notary's services and also include certain taxes and registration fees. The notary fees are calculated according to a percentage of the value of the property being sold:

Up to €3,049: 5% (plus 0 francs)
From € 3,049 to 6,098: 3.30% (plus € 52)
From € 6,098 to € 16,769): 1.65% (plus €152)
Anything over € 16,769: 0.825% (€ 291)
You must then also add 19.6 % in VAT to the result, to calculate the full amount to be paid.

So, taking the case of a property which costs € 152, 449, you must add 0.825% of the amount, plus € 1, 548.5. Then add 19.6% (VAT) to reach a final amount of € 1, 852.

Add € 450 for extra fees and formalities for a total notary fee of €2, 302.

``xfrance``xh``xThe legal procedure for buying a residence``x1026299881,95010,Housing_and_Accommodation``xContracts, deposits and fees``x ``x

Once you have become an owner, you will be required to pay several annual state taxes.

Theses are the taxe d'habitation and the taxe foncier, yearly taxes due every 1 January. These are based upon a complicated calculation involving local revenues, living space, and personal taxes. When acquiring a new property, it is customary, if you buy in the course of the year, to give a pro-rated percentage of the yearly tax to the seller who has paid them in advance.

Finally, if you buy a property of five years or older, you will also be required to pay un droit d�partemental, un taxe communale and des frais d'assiette which amount to 4.89 percent of the value of the property.

``xfrance``xi``xProperty taxes``x1026299957,54698,Housing_and_Accommodation``xOnce you have become an owner, you will be required to pay several annual state taxes``x ``x

French property ads can be particularly confusing. The following will help you understand some of the more .

studio: a one-room apartment with a kitchen area; this may be �quip�e (equipped with a stove, a refridgerator and other applicances), a salle be bain (a bathroom with a douche or shower)

'F2', 'F3', 'F4', 'F5' refers to the number of principal rooms, not counting the kitchen, bathroom or WC.

s�jour double: one big living room, which counts as two rooms.

meubl�: means the apartment is furnished with the main items.

common abbreviations

belle HSP: (hauteur sous plafond) = high ceiling
dble exp: (double exposition) = light exposure from both sides of residence
immeuble PdT: (pierre de taille) = free stone building, often of the Haussmann era.
immeuble ISMH: (l'Inventaire Suppl�mentaire des Monuments Historiques) = a historically classified building
CC: this can mean, according to the context, charges comprises = service charges included, or coin cuisine = small kitchen corner, or commission comprise = agents' commission fees included
HAI = the agencies fee or commission included
FAI = includes the agencies expenses
SH: (surface habitable) = surface space classified as residential, living space
SdB: (salle de bains) = bathroom
SdD: (salle de douche) = a sink and or shower only, inferring that the W.C. is separate (and when in reference to a chambre de bonne, it's often down the corridor)

What these descriptions really mean

coquette = cute, can also mean exceedingly small
studette = little studio, can be a service room, under 15 m2
kitchenette = little kitchen, is often a kitchen unit installed in the living room.
d�coration � revoir and rafraicheissement � prevoir = redecoration and repairs necessary, which may be quite costly.
sur courette privative = on a private courtyard, which is often a dark and dreary little inner courtyard

``xfrance``xg``xWhat does that mean?``x1026300774,64880,Housing_and_Accommodation``xA guide to French property advertising speak``x ``x

Trendy, lively and young-hearted: the 3rd and 4th, bits of the 10th and 11th.

Lively, wide choice of restaurants, cinemas and culture venues: the 5th, 6th. Similar attractions with reasonable rents: parts of 13th. and 14th.

More family friendly (bits of green, local amusements): The 5th, 6th, 12th, 13th,17th, 19th and 20th.

Old and quaint: 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, parts of 2nd and 7th.

High-rise/modern apartment building areas: 13th, parts of 12th, 15th, 18th, 19th and 20th.

Cheaper rents: 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 18th, 19th, 20th.

Designer-chic and expensive: The 6th and 7th, parts of 5th, 3rd and 4th.

Conservative chic, drab and expensive: the 16th and parts of 8th and 17th.

Chic, ostentatious and expensive: The 8th, parts of 16th. and 17th.

Little residential (few shops, little night-life): The 1st, 2nd, 8th and 9th.

``xfrance``xfa``xParis Arrondissements at a glance``x1026301065,34421,Housing_and_Accommodation``xTrendy, lively, old and quaint, chic, expensive, cheap - Paris has it all``x ``x

Some of the arrondissements are big enough to contain quarters which vary in population-types and environment, like the 13th, 17th and 20th but, on the whole, the mere mention of the arrondissement number on a postcode is a something of a social statement. The 16th is synonymous with the old and very wealthy, the 18th with working class and ethnic populations, and the 6th with the fashionable and chic.

The 1st and 2nd are mainly day-time quarters for business offices and institutions (including the Palais Royal theatre, the stock exchange, the Louvre etc.) There are magnificent apartments on the rue de Rivoli overlooking the Tuileries or palais Royal gardens, and here or there a bargain flat above close to the Bourse (stock exchange), but on the whole, there is no residential community flavour to the area, witnessed by the lack of shops and empty streets at night.

The oldest, quaintest quarters, centrally-placed and which offer a rich street life are, with a broad sweep of the pen, the 3rd and 4th arrondissements on the Right Bank, covering the Marais, and the 5th and 6th covering the Latin Quarter opposite.

The Marais is a young, trendy area, alive night and day, with an eclectic mix of everything from gay bars to art galleries, from the Pompidou center to the old Jewish quarter. It is charmed by some of the oldest, even medieval, buildings in Paris but lacks any real breezy green spaces for kids to kick a ball around, the tiny and very exclusive place des Vosges aside. Generally high-priced, there are magnificent hidden courtyards hiding equally magnificent timbered apartments. There are also quite a few renovated former rag-trade offices, offering tall ceilings and huge windows. Superb for the brevity of public transport links to anywhere around the city and easy to walk to from anything central.

The picturesque Latin Quarter, traditionally a student neighbourhood, has all the same architectural attractions - and more - along with the widest choice of restaurants and cinemas. It is bigger and wider in its streets, so less crammed. There are more cultural centres and its universities (including the Sorbonne) make it a center for bookstores. Its population range from the bourgeois to the bohemian. It is more family friendly for those who want to be at the heart of Parisian leisure life, with a few parks, notably the Luxembourg gardens and the Jardin des Plantes. Generally expensive but not unaffordable, most of the Latin Quarter offers a picture postcard view. Well privileged for quick public transport hops to and from the rest of the centre.

A diluted taste of the characters of both these areas is found with cheaper rents in the 10th, 11th and 12th arrondissements, close to the Marais and the 13th and 14th arrondissements around the Latin Quarter. The 10th, 11th and 12th are, with the exception of trendy pockets around the lively Bastille and R�publique squares, more "populaire" - or working-class. The joining limits of the 3rd and 10th house the teeming rag trade. The meeting points of the 3rd, 10th and 11th can be worth a look for those looking for a large central Paris apartment at comparatively low rates above all else.

Stretching eastwards and north to the outer arrondissements, with a mix of modern and old residential buildings, there is a strong community feel to these districts, which can, however, be shabby in parts. The 12th leads southeast to the Vincennes Park, just outside the capital, one of the two largest around Paris, along with the Bois de Boulogne to the west. One novelty is the Canal St.Martin, in the 10th, where residences have been built along this pleasant north-heading waterway.

The 13th which covers the city's outer south-east, and which contains a large Vietnamese community, is a relatively old and quiet "suburb" of the Latin Quarter at it's closest to the 5th, but rapidly becomes turned-over to a huge area of modern sky-rise buildings further east which, while they have none of the charm of old Paris, do offer sensational views and, not to be sniffed at, parking spaces.

The 14th, which is attached with the Latin Quarter at Montparnasse and stretches down to the southern city limits is less marked with modern buildings and has a lively community feel in most areas, bustling with shops, traders, caf�s and quite a few small restaurants. Rents are, in the main, reasonable. It has the large and pleasant Montsouris Park and quick access onto the southbound motorway and Orly airport.

Staying south and moving west is the 15th, a highly residential arrondissement, with a rent range from the fairly cheap (especially for large apartments) to the expensive. Something for everyone. It lacks any big green spaces, although there are the parks Andr� Citro�n and Georges Brassens on its southern limits. The 15th is a mix of old and modern architecture, mostly bland but rarely ugly. High-rise enthusiasts will tremble at the "Front de Seine", a small pocket of chic apartment blocks overlooking the river Seine.

The 7th is one of Paris' chic postcodes and there is no cheap housing here. The character is very traditional bourgeois, very straight and proper. It stretches from the 6th, to its east, across to the Eiffel Tower, and is home to Unesco and most government ministry buildings. It is an expensive, well-kept area, with comparatively few shops, restaurants and cinemas. Quiet and safe, only its upmarket restaurants shine in the night.

Very similar is the 16th, lying across the river on the west of the capital, although it is more of a ghetto for the elderly seriously rich. This is home to most of the city's wealthy, if not the only choice for the wealthiest. It runs from the Arc de Triomphe, at the top of the Champs-Elys�es, spreading west out to the huge and rambling park of the Bois de Boulogne at the city edge. This is a land of expensive property, large apartments both old and modern, home to the OECD and most of France's top fortunes. Particularly in the west of the arrondissement, there is little street life of any sort and it is a quiet, uneventful area at night. Its close-lying suburb, further west, the district of Neuilly, is a continuation of the same.

The neighbouring 17th, also running from the Arc de Triomphe, this time north and north-west, is generally also a chic, high-rent area, but more accessible than the 16th. Its outlying areas are more "populaire". It shares the pleasant Monceau park with the 8th and many of its streets are wide and airy. Many embassies are based here. Areas like the Place des Ternes have a lively feel to them, with restaurants and bars, but in the main this is a quiet, if not dead, area at the end of the day when its many offices and small businesses close-up.

Moving into the centre-north from the 17th is the 9th. This is a central arrondissement, dedicated in the main to banks, insurance companies and lawyers as well as department stores and small businesses. It's a noisy, car-flooded area by day, spookily quiet at night except for the boulevards carrying through traffic.

There are large apartments, some made of converted offices, at comparatively reasonable prices but this is one of Paris' least-residential areas with, consequently, little to offer kids -just like the neighbouring 1st, 2nd and 8th.

But the comparison stops there. The 8th is the elite part of the city centre, with the presidential Elys�e Palace, the Champs-Elys�es, the haute couture boutiques of the rue St Honor� and hotel palaces like the George V, the Plaza Ath�n�e and the Crillon. This is the most ostentatious company address and most of the area is full of big-money offices. Traffic jams are made of a special recipe - only the latest Porsches and Ferraris. Only the fortuned need consider living in the few residential possibilities here and, as with the 16th, some of the fortuned would not want to.

The northern 18th arrondissement is an opposite choice. Apart from a few spots, like the run of privileged apartments - and houses - perched on the south side of the Montmartre hill (where stands the Sacr� Cœur basilica), overlooking Paris, most of the 18th is a lively residential working-class area. A mix of mostly old and a bit of new, the less salubrious parts notably include Clichy and the sex businesses of Pigalle. But there are pleasant enough areas, as well as shabby ones, and apartment space is generally pretty low-priced. The neighbourhood known as Barb�s is well known for its majority immigrant populations, mostly North African.

Moving east, the 18th slips into the 19th, an area, along with the 10th., close to the Eurostar and Thal�s train links of the gare du Nord. The 19th is a less lively continuation of the 18th with many modern buildings and cheap rents. It has it's own hill, the Buttes Chaumont, and like-named park, and at its extreme north-east tip, at the limits of Paris and the old industrial suburbs of Pantin, lies the Villette park with its industry and science attraction center.

Below, the outer west and southwest of Paris is swallowed up by the sprawling 20th. Here again, rents are generally cheaper, particularly for large apartments, and there is a mix of old and new. At its heart is the legendary P�re Lachaise cemetery, (final resting place for many celebrities!). The wider, leafier areas are around the huge Nation square (regular departure or arrival point for mass demonstrations) and out towards the peripheral Porte de Vincennes.

``xfrance``xe``xA guide to areas in Paris, arrondissement by arrondissement``x1026301158,12852,Housing_and_Accommodation``xIf you're moving to Paris, read this before you start househunting``x ``x

To make sense of Paris estate agent speak it is important to understand the system of the Paris arrondissements, or districts. There are 20 of them, all numbered, and each arrondissement is attributed its own number according to the pattern of a spiral, beginning with the 1st arrondissement in the heart of the capital and ending with the 20th on the outer north west.

Most Parisians, like the inhabitants of any major city like Lyon or Marseille, where the same system of arrondissements applies, describe them by numbers instead of place names. So, more often than not, you'll find yourself being offered something in "le 1er" or "le 10e ".

A broad division is also applied by "Rive Gauche" (meaning the Left Bank, the south-side of the river Seine) or "Rive Droite" (north), but this only really has a sense in terms of traffic. If you drive to your place of work in the deep north of the city, you're unlikely to choose the Left Bank.

There are very few town houses in Paris and they sell or rent at a premium. Most of the market concerns rented accommodation in the classic six or seven-storey 19th century apartment buildings filling most of the city, and that's what we're really considering here.

The French describe apartments or houses by the number of rooms - called pi�ces - which they contain, excluding the kitchen and bathroom. So a one-bed roomed flat with sitting room, kitchen and bathroom is a "deux-pi�ces." The description will also include the square-meter surface of the entire apartment (or house). So you could be proposed a "deux-pi�ces de 60 m�tres carr�s."

Finally, you'll probably often be asked if you're looking for "ancien" - meaning any building more than 60 years old, often more expensive - or "neuf", meaning the generally more spacious modern constructions which lack the turn-of-the-century charm (and noise insulation!) of the old.

Most apartments are made up of between one and four rooms. Below this you have the classic Parisian "studio", which is a bachelor-sized lodging with a sitting-room-cum-bedroom, an adjoining and usually non-separated kitchen, tiny bathroom and toilet. More than four rooms can be found without difficulty, if you can pay the steep prices!

``xfrance``xd``xParis estate agents ``x1026301234,76417,Housing_and_Accommodation``xTo make sense of Paris estate agent speak it is important to understand the system of the Paris arrondissements, or districts. There are 20 of them, all numbered, and each arrondissement is attributed its own number according to the pattern of a spiral``x ``x

Rents vary greatly here, but in the main expect to pay a lot less than Paris or its immediate surrounds. Again, the southwest offers easiest access.

Versailles, (an exception for rent prices which can be high), and its surrounding region offer a provincial flavour and to its north, where the river Seine winds westwards, lies Saint-Germain-en-Laye (78), surrounded by the Saint-Germain forest. Both are dormitory areas, well served by train, but far enough out to feel a world away from Paris. Versailles, naturally, is as gracefully old as Saint-Germain can be bluntly modern.

Further out, and southwest of Paris, lies the generally up-market area of the vall�e de Chevreuse (78). The region moves from modern allotments to country villages with old stone houses. Travelling by public transport into Paris can take between 45 minutes to an hour.

Just east of the Chevreuse valley, south of the capital, is the vall�e de la Bi�vre (91). Housing here is generally more modern although much of it is surrounded by countryside. Here lies the university town of Orsay and dozens of technical research centres.

The greater south and west has a high-speed TGV train station at Massy, independent of Paris, and reasonable access to Orly airport.

East of the capital (94 and 77) are many pleasant leafy areas surrounding the river Marne. There are stunning, grand old houses but most accommodation is formed of the explosion of modern housing allotments stretching out towards the vast forestlands like the for�t d'Armainvilliers. While there is a definite flavour of provincial France (further out but still close enough is the town of Meaux, famous for its cheese), the area is also home to Disneyland Paris.

The area is well served by public transport and Roissy airport is reasonably accessible. Worth a look, but surrounded by ugly modern areas, are the towns on the southern end of the for�t de S�nart and near Melun (91 and 77), south east of the capital, although they hardly qualify as true countryside.

If you're looking for something truly away from it all, surrounded by picture postcard scenes of French countryside but within an hour or more of striking distance from the capital, have a good look at the south and south east, drawing a line west to east between Dourdan (78) and Fontainebleau (77). This is a land of fields and villages, some of them unusually pretty. There is a wide choice of charming old properties, which generally come with big gardens. Beware though that you will be at the very least partly dependent on the car in getting in to Paris.

The town of Fontainebleau (77), one hour from the capital by train, offers a particularly pleasant environment and is surrounded by the impressively huge Fontainebleau forest.

Directly north of the capital, you have to travel comparatively far to reach pleasant green areas, well away from the ugly modern concrete deserts of the Seine-Saint-Denis. It's worth remembering also that road links into the capital's centre are generally slower than when coming from other directions.

But there are some truly beautiful areas to discover and the advantages of being in the region include the relative proximity to Roissy airport and the motorway link to the Channel and Benelux countries.

Close to the for�t de Montmorency are a number of pleasant small towns, including Auvers-sur-Oise, made famous by one-time resident expatriate, Vincent Van Gogh, and l'Isle-Adam, both lying on the riverbanks of the river Oise (60). East of these is open countryside, peppered with some very attractive villages, but here you are well away from easy access by public transport.

The town of Senlis (60), north east of the capital, offers a rail link, lies on the motorway and has wonderful surrounding countryside, including the forest of Halatte. Close to lies Chantilly (60), a very pretty old town, a grand equestrian center, famous for its races. There are pretty villages in countryside close to and endless forest land all around.

The Asterix amusement park is only a few miles away. Only a bit further away still is Roissy airport and - particularly for those looking around Senlis - you'd do well to consider the potential noise problems that affect some spots.

Things You Might Consider

If you're interested in the immediate Paris surrounds, take your time in studying the area, looking at things like proximity of schools or cr�ches and making sure the metro/train links don't involve complicated changes in town.

Some areas, because of the appeal, have great demand, but little offer, for rented accommodation - so begin looking as early as you can and don't be rushed by estate agents. It might make more sense spending the first months waiting, if you can, for exactly what you want.

Enquire about local town taxes, known as the "imp�ts locaux", which you will pay every year. These vary greatly and can be considerably higher than Paris.

If you're considering a move further afield, look closely at a transport map of the Paris region to check out the RER express metro links which go right into the center of the capital. Being beside one can mean all the difference between a 30-minute chauffeured hop to a gruelling one hour or more driving the car.

Through any one year, there are frequent rail strikes, so if you're totally dependent on public transport, think again.

If, on the other hand, you have no choice but to use the car for commuting, try out the journey during the rush-hour: what takes no time on a clean sweep of motorway at night can become hell at 8am. Many commuters to Paris take long car-journeys for granted.

Remember that while a choice of bilingual/international schools are available in Paris and its immediate surrounding areas (see our separate guide to this), moving well out will inevitably mean putting your children in normal French state schools.

Home-hunting: the Paris neighbourhoods
Searching for an apartment in Paris in the right neighbourhood for you or your family needs careful consideration. There's nothing like an east side and west side - there are 20 different districts, each different in what they have to offer.

``xfrance``xc``xLiving in France outside of Paris``x1026301647,87175,Housing_and_Accommodation``xExpect to pay a lot less than Paris or its immediate surrounds. The southwest offers easiest access``x ``x

Many people with jobs in Paris but with young families to bring up find living outside the city walls a more attractive choice: rent and property prices are generally less expensive, children have access to green spaces and the city's serious noise and air pollution problems are left behind.

Because Paris itself is quite small, in comparison to other European capitals, living outside does not inevitably mean travelling vast distances. What's more, the transport links around the greater Paris region are very well developed and reasonably cheap.

Few estate agents offer accommodation from outside their immediate neighbourhood, so thisguide to the surrounding regions is intended to help you focus in on an area which meets your needs.

Understanding the map
France is administratively divided into 95 "d�partements", the rough equivalent of a county or state, which are all given numbers as well as names.

Paris is number 75, and its immediately surrounding d�partements are: the Essonne, 91, (south) the Hauts-de-Seine, 92, (south-west and west), the Yvelines, 78, (the outer south-west), the Val-d'Oise, 95, (the north), the Seine-St. Denis, 93, (north and north-east), and the Val-de-Marne, 94, (the west and south-west).

The d�partements wider afield, but still within commuting distances are the Seine-et-Marne, 77, (south east) and the Oise, 60, (north).

The notorious Paris ring road is the easy visual guide to the city walls. You may notice that the exit lanes are nearly all signposted with 'Porte de' something or other, which in fact indicate the city gates to surrounding suburbs like 'Porte de Vincennes', or 'Porte de Choisy'. The different d�partements begin here.

Closest to Paris

The west and south-west (92 and 78) and the east (94) offer the widest choice if your concern is finding a green and pleasant area close enough to the city from where you can still comfortably get into town for dinner appointments and back in time for the baby-sitter.

On the south-west tip of Paris lie the hilltop towns of Saint-Cloud, S�vres, Meudon and Ville-d'Avray, (92), all surrounded by sprawling forests. Train links into central Paris can be as short as 10 minutes and, outside of the rush hour, equivalent driving times can be less than half an hour. Rents are relatively high here - houses are exhorbitant - but there are many tasteful apartment buildings with breezy, private parks. Few areas offer the tranquillity of these wooded suburbs together with such ease of access to the capital.

The green spaces are less abundant as you follow the hill top ridge north along to Suresnes and beyond, towards the sky-rise office 'city' of La D�fense, but they still offer a leafy calm from the hurly-burly just a few miles away.

East of Paris offers the only other truly green blob, around the Bois de Vincennes (94), among the towns of Nogent, Joinville and, of course, Vincennes. Adding to the charm here is the river Marne and there are many houses along its riverbanks. The area is generally more built-up than the southwest forested areas, but there are oases of calm. Rents are generally reasonable, the area is well served by train although accessing central Paris by car is slightly less convenient than from the southwest.

The densely populated areas immediately north, northeast and south of the capital (95, 93 and parts of 91) are often ugly concentrations of tower blocks and dilapidated housing, but which is appropriately cheap. You need to travel further afield to reach a reason to have left Paris, and these areas are dealt with in the following section.

``xfrance``xb``xGreen spaces close to Paris ``x1026301829,63221,Housing_and_Accommodation``xMany people with jobs in Paris but with young families to bring up find living outside the city walls a more attractive option``x ``x

France is administratively divided into 95 "d�partements", the rough equivalent of a county or state, which are all given numbers as well as names.

The d�partements wider afield, but still within commuting distances are the Seine-et-Marne, 77, (south east) and the Oise, 60, (north).

Closest to Paris
The west and south-west (92 and 78) and the east (94) offer the widest choice if your concern is finding a green and pleasant area close enough to the city from where you can still comfortably get into town for dinner appointments and back in time for the baby-sitter.

``xfrance``x``xUnderstanding the Map of France``x1026302204,96806,Essentials``xFrance is administratively divided into 95 "d�partements", the rough equivalent of a county or state, which are all given numbers as well as names``x ``x

Length of rental agreement

French law offers quite generous protection to the tenant, who is called a locataire - however, there are a few hurdles to clear first.

These include the prohibition of evictions during the wide band of 'winter' months and a complicated evictions procedure in general including rights of appeal.

These restrictions in an owner's right to evict have been blamed for the overall reduction nationwide in the offer of rentals, a trend which began last year, which has particularly affected Paris.

French "propriet�res" are therefore very, very cautious before concluding a deal, and a battery of paperwork is required in order to obtain the assurance that the "locataire" can and will pay the rent!

Basically, and not without exception, the rental agreement will cover an owner's pledge of three years - a commitment that means the tenant will not be asked to leave during that period, except if he or she reneges on the terms of the agreement laid out. The tenant is free to leave whenever, subject to terms of two or, more commonly, three months' notice.

The owner's three-year pledge means, for example, that the tenant cannot be ousted for a sale of the property, or an owner's intention to re-occupy, within that time. The rental agreement for a set period is called a bail. All agreements are renewable at term of contract.

Thus, the common three-year agreement is called un bail de trois ans. If you are offered a "bail" of only one year, beware. It is indicative of an owner's indecision to rent for a longer period and suggests you are likely to be turfed-out at the end!

What you will be asked to provide

The terms have become so severe that they can even be prohibitive. You'll be asked to provide pay slips - generally for the previous three months - and your monthly income must be at least three times the monthly rent- and often as much as four times the sum.

You can expect to be asked for proof that you are not currently employed for a trial or limited short period, or close to retirement. Agencies will often refuse people who work in contract fields like entertainment unless they can provide third-party financial guarantees.

If you are self-employed and cannot provide pay slips, you will be asked to provide your previous year's tax payments as an indication of what you earn. You'll also be asked to provide a letter, from one or even two people to act as a guarantor if you fail to pay your rent. They will also need to offer pay-slip proof that they earn three times the sum of rent.

Proof of identity will be asked in the form of a residence permit, (occasionally a passport), and normally you'd be expected to provide a telephone or electricity bill as further proof of your current address.

Which of course is no good if you've just arrived, have no French pay slips or French tax return statements, and likely know of no resident sugar-daddies ready to underwrite you. In this case, the situation is frankly dire, unless you can provide a bank guarantee (which will require blocking a large sum of money).

Deposit
You will also have to provide a deposit for the sum of two or three times the rent, which is handed over to the owner, and which is returned to you at the end of the rental period subject to it being partially or totally used to rectify any damage you are held responsible for. It is called un ch�que de caution.

You will not receive interest on the deposit, which is repayable to exactly the same amount - even if six years later. It is also only refunded after you've left - as a guarantee of no hidden damage. In practice, the "ch�que de caution" is often used by owners to urge you to put fresh paint on the walls to avoid litigation. There are many instances of abuse.

You are strongly advised to be particularly observant during the written evaluation of the property's condition, which is done in mutual agreement with the owner or agency before moving in and after a rental agreement has been reached. This is called an �tat des lieux which both parties sign to.

Whether there are scratches on the parquet floor or cracks in the ceiling, make sure that every detail is clearly marked - otherwise you can be held responsible. Good advice is to take photos of the property during the "�tat des lieux" as proof.

You will be required to take out a home insurance policy and subsequently show the owner proof that you have done.

Finally, be aware that renting an apartment will involve paying charges for the regular upkeep of the building, called the charges communes. These are sometimes included in the rent advertised, in which case the rental sum will be described as charges comprises. If not, it will be charges non comprises.

The charges, worked out as an monthly average based on the previous year, cover things like the cost of the concierge or cleaners or gardeners, common water supplies and so on. If the charges are not included, make sure you know what was paid the previous year, or whether any unusual costs can be expected in the coming year.

If they are included, and during your first year the real common spending was less than the previous twelve months, you'll be refunded accordingly.

Finally, your home - house or apartment - will be subject to a yearly local tax, called la taxe d'habitation, which varies greatly from place to place and is broadly calculated on the size of your apartment or house. You should ask about these before entering into an agreement, and the agency or owner should be able to give you an accurate account of what you're likely to have to pay.

Densely populated areas tend to pay less for obvious reasons. But if your area of residence is attractive because the bins are emptied every day, the roads well kept and the swimming pools numerous ...then perhaps it's worth it.

``xfrance``xa``xRenting Accommodation``x1026302471,10618,Housing_and_Accommodation``xFrench law offers quite generous protection to the tenant, who is called a locataire - however, there are a few hurdles to clear first``x ``x

General household items
Look first at the major French hypermarkets, where you'll find an enormous choice of goods at very keen prices. There are many names but you definitely won't find a range or quality better than either Carrefour or it's arch competitor Auchan, which have mega-stores in just about every major urban centre.

They have both made a big push these last few years on widening their client catch up-market, and this shows in the standards of goods on offer: TV/audio equipment, computers, every kind of household appliance from tumble dryers and refridgerators to expresso machines and juice-mixers, landline and mobile telephones, DIY goods, tableware, garden furniture and plants and more.

In fact, with the exception of indoor furniture, of which both have a limited selection of - and home fittings like carpets and curtains - there is everything you could possibly be looking for. Both have a policy of refunding unwanted recent purchases.

Household appliances, TV/audio goods, and landline and mobile telephones are the speciality of Darty which, unlike the hypermarkets, has stores inside towns as well as out in the drive-to shopping malls. Darty's prices are often close to, or on a par, with the hypermarkets - but the store's main attraction is a reputed nation-wide after-sales service which is fast and efficient wherever you are.

Floors and furniture
But all this is just putting off the fact that you've got carpets to lay. For these or any other floor-coverings, the specialist stores offering competitive prices across a wide range, shabby to plush, are St. MACLOU and MONDIAL MOQUETTE. These are often warehouse-sized depots with drive-away stock, generally found outside town but close-to.

When it comes to furniture, there's no escaping the ubiquitous IKEA! The Swedish store is simply the best in France for its huge range of keenly priced goods so beware the weekend when all of France seems to be shopping in the places. If you're intent on escaping the IKEA "snap" effect everytime you visit someone else, you could try CONFORAMA. You won't find anything like the same choice in easy-build kits, but you will find everything you need in basic furniture.

DIY
BRICORAMA is a specialist in DIY goods. These are giant stores used by professionals as well as Sunday amateurs. There is everything here to build and decorate a house or structure a garden with, although price-wise you might do better for certain goods in a hypermarket. For DIY equipment rentals, cherry-picker to power drill, look no further than KlLOUTOU, giant stores close to many urban centres.

Leisure hardware
For everything in quality home leisure goods, you'll find the widest choice under one roof at the FNAC, which has mega-stores inside the major cities. The FNAC has a special character of its own, with coffee bars and wide corridors, and staff who are knowledgeable about the goods in their particular department. The store's devise is to offer quality goods with quality service - so the prices are not the most competitive although they are generally reasonable.

The range of computers (hard and soft ware) and related equipment is unrivalled by any other large store. Along with TV/audio goods, video games (hard and software) and cameras and related equipment, the FNAC also offers an unrivalled and exceptional range of books and movies.

Some Useful Links

CARREFOUR: www.carrefour.com
AUCHAN : www.auchan.fr
DARTY : www.darty.com
ST. MACLOU : www.saint-maclou.com
MONDIAL MOQUETTE : www.mondialmoquette.fr
IKEA : www.ikea.fr
CONFORAMA : www.conforama.fr
BRICORAMA : www.bricorama.fr
KILOUTOU : www.kiloutou.fr
FNAC : www.fnac.com

Minitel

You can also search for the particular local details near your home for any of the stores mentioned by using the Minitel. This is the France Telecom home terminal which combines information from both the yellow pages and the phone book. If you don't already have one, you can rent one out on the spot from your nearest France Telecom boutique.

``xfrance``xf``xFitting out your new home``x1026302626,85793,Housing_and_Accommodation``xwhere to find furniture, appliances and all those other bits and pieces``x ``x

You can search for the particular local details of any service near your home by using the Minitel.

This is the France Telecom home terminal which combines information from both the yellow pages and the phone book.

If you don't already have one, you can rent one out on the spot from your nearest France Telecom boutique.

You'll see terminals in lots of public places e.g. post ofice, banks and so on.

``xfrance``x``xMinitel``x1026302742,46006,Essentials``xThis is the France Telecom home terminal which combines information from both the yellow pages and the phone book``x ``x``xfrance``x``xsean test``x1026398959,15222,Education_and_Training``x``x ``xBest of all, the French cherish their leisure time. We hope you love your experience in France and aim to help you by providing up-to-date and accurate information. We hope you'll enjoy reading about the experiences of your fellow expats and remember, we'd like to hear from you too.Please take a few moments to familiarise yourself with the tools provided in this guide: the search option on the left hand panel with take you articles within this site (education in France is searched separately, see below). You'll find many relevant links throughout, these and the searchable directories on the right take you out of the site. The main content section are itemised directly below.``xfrance``x``xBienvenue! Good food, excellent conversation, style, diversity. ``x1026823234,87080,Home_Intro``x``x